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Free love

Free love is a social movement that rejects marriage, which is seen as a form of social and financial bondage. The Free Love movement’s initial goal was to separate the state from sexual matters such as marriage, birth control, and adultery. It claimed that such issues were the concern of the people involved, and no one else.

Much of the free-love tradition reflects a libertarian philosophy that seeks freedom from state regulation and church interference in personal relationships. According to this concept, the free unions of adults are legitimate relations which should be respected by all third parties whether they are emotional or sexual relations. In addition, some free-love writing has argued that both men and women have the right to sexual pleasure without social or legal restraints. In the Victorian era, this was a radical notion. Later, a new theme developed, linking free love with radical social change, and depicting it as a harbinger of a new anti-authoritarian, anti-repressive sensibility.

According to today’s stereotype, earlier middle-class Americans wanted the home to be a place of stability in an uncertain world. To this mentality are attributed strongly-defined gender roles, which led to a minority reaction in the form of the free-love movement.

While the phrase free love is often associated with promiscuity in the popular imagination, especially in reference to the counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s, historically the free-love movement has not advocated multiple-sexual partners or short-term sexual relationships. Rather, it has argued that sexual relations that are freely entered into should not be regulated by law.

The term “sex radical” is also used interchangeably with the term “free lover”, and was the preferred term by advocates because of the negative connotations of “free love”.[citation needed] By whatever name, advocates had two strong beliefs: opposition to the idea of forceful sexual activity in a relationship and advocacy for a woman to use her body in any way that she pleases.

Laws of particular concern to free love movements have included those that prevent an unmarried couple from living together, and those that regulate adultery and divorce, as well as age of consent, birth control, homosexuality, abortion, and sometimes prostitution; although not all free-love advocates agree on these issues. The abrogation of individual rights in marriage is also a concern—for example, some jurisdictions do not recognize spousal rape or treat it less seriously than non-spousal rape. Free-love movements since the 19th century have also defended the right to publicly discuss sexuality and have battled obscenity laws.

At the turn of the 20th century, some free-love proponents extended the critique of marriage to argue that marriage as a social institution encourages emotional possessiveness and psychological enslavement.[citation needed]

The history of free love is entwined with the history of feminism. From the late 18th century, leading feminists, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, have challenged the institution of marriage, and many have advocated its abolition.

According to feminist critique, a married woman was solely a wife and mother, denying her the opportunity to pursue other occupations; sometimes this was legislated, as with bans on married women and mothers in the teaching profession. In 1855, free love advocate Mary Gove Nichols (1810–1884) described marriage as the “annihilation of woman,” explaining that women were considered to be men’s property in law and public sentiment, making it possible for tyrannical men to deprive their wives of all freedom. For example, the law sometimes allowed a husband to physically discipline his wife. Free-love advocates argued that many children are born into unloving marriages out of compulsion, but should instead be the result of choice and affection—yet children born out of wedlock did not have the same rights as children with married parents.

In 1857, Minerva Putnam complained that, “in the discussion of free love, no woman has attempted to give her views on the subject.” There were six books during this time that endorsed the concept of free love. Of the four major free-love periodicals following the civil war, only two of them had female editors. Mary Gove Nichols was the leading-female advocate, and the woman who most people looked up to for the free-love movement. She wrote her autobiography, which became the first case against marriage written from a woman’s point of view.

To proponents of free love, sex was not just about reproduction. Access to birth control was considered a means to women’s independence, and leading birth-control activists also embraced free love. Sex radicals remained focused on their attempts to uphold a woman’s right to control her body and to freely discuss issues such as contraception, marital-sex abuse (emotional and physical), and sexual education. These people believed that by talking about female sexuality, they would help empower women. To help achieve this goal, sex radicals relied on the written word, books, pamphlets, and periodicals. This method helped these people sustain this movement for over 50 years, and helped spread their message all over the United States.

The famous feminist Gloria Steinem at one point stated, “you became a semi-nonperson when you got married.” She also famously coined the expression ‘A woman needs a man like a fish needs a bicycle.’ Steinem dismissed marriage in 1987 as not having a ‘good name.’ Steinem got married in 2000, stating that the symbols that feminists once “rebelled against” now are freely chosen, or society had changed.

A number of utopian social movements throughout history have shared a vision of free love. The all-male Essenes, who lived in the Middle East from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD apparently shunned sex, marriage, and slavery. They also renounced wealth, lived communally, and were pacifist vegetarians. An Early Christian sect known as the Adamites existed in North Africa in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th centuries and rejected marriage. They practiced nudism and believed themselves to be without original sin.

In the 6th century, adherents of Mazdakism in pre-Muslim Persia apparently supported a kind of free love in the place of marriage, and like many other free-love movements[citation needed], also favored vegetarianism, pacificism, and communalism. Some writers have posited a conceptual link between the rejection of private property and the rejection of marriage as a form of ownership[citation needed]. One folk story from the period that contains a mention of a free-love (and nudist) community under the sea is “The Tale of Abdullah the Fisherman and Abdullah the Merman” from The Book of One Thousand and One Nights (c. 8th century).

Karl Kautsky, writing in 1895, noted that a number of “communistic” movements throughout the Middle Ages also rejected marriage. Typical of such movements, the Cathars of 10th to 14th century Western Europe freed followers from all moral prohibition and religious obligation, but respected those who lived simply, avoided the taking of human or animal life, and were celibate. Women had an uncommon equality and autonomy, even as religious leaders. The Cathars and similar groups (the Waldenses, Apostle brothers, Beghards and Beguines, Lollards, and Hussites) were branded as heretics by the Roman Catholic Church and suppressed. Other movements shared their critique of marriage but advocated free sexual relations rather than celibacy, such as the Brethren of the Free Spirit, Taborites, and Picards.

The challenges to traditional morality and religion brought by the Age of Enlightenment and the emancipatory politics of the French Revolution created an environment where ideas such as free love could flourish. A group of radical intellectuals in England (sometimes known as the English Jacobins), who supported the French Revolution developed early ideas about feminism and free love.

Notable among them was the Romantic poet William Blake, who explicitly compared the sexual oppression of marriage to slavery in works such as Visions of the Daughters of Albion (1793). Blake was critical of the marriage laws of his day, and generally railed against traditional Christian notions of chastity as a virtue. At a time of tremendous strain in his marriage, in part due to Catherine’s apparent inability to bear children, he directly advocated bringing a second wife into the house. His poetry suggests that external demands for marital fidelity reduce love to mere duty rather than authentic affection, and decries jealousy and egotism as a motive for marriage laws. Poems such as “Why should I be bound to thee, O my lovely Myrtle-tree?” and “Earth’s Answer” seem to advocate multiple sexual partners. In his poem “London” he speaks of “the Marriage-Hearse” plagued by “the youthful Harlot’s curse”, the result alternately of false Prudence and/or Harlotry. Visions of the Daughters of Albion is widely (though not universally) read as a tribute to free love since the relationship between Bromion and Oothoon is held together only by laws and not by love. For Blake

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, law and love are opposed, and he castigates the “frozen marriage-bed”. In Visions, Blake writes:

Till she who burns with youth, and knows no fixed lot, is bound
In spells of law to one she loathes? and must she drag the chain
Of life in weary lust? (5.21-3, E49)

Blake believed that humans were “fallen”, and that a major impediment to a free love society was corrupt human nature, not merely the intolerance of society and the jealousy of men, but the inauthentic hypocritical nature of human communication. He also seems to have thought that marriage should afford the joy of love, but that in reality it often does not, as a couple’s knowledge of being chained often diminishes their joy.

Another member of Blake’s circle was the pioneering English feminist Mary Wollstonecraft and her husband and early anarchist, William Godwin. The ideals of free love found their champion in one of the earliest feminists. In her writings, Wollstonecraft challenged the institution of marriage, and advocated its abolition. Her novels criticized the social construction of marriage and its effects on women. In her first novel, Mary: A Fiction written in 1788, the heroine is forced into a loveless marriage for economic reasons. She finds love in relationships with another man and a woman. The novel, Maria: or, The Wrongs of Woman, never finished but published in 1798, revolves around the story of a woman imprisoned in an asylum by her husband; Maria finds fulfilment outside of marriage, in an affair with a fellow inmate. Mary makes it clear that “women had strong sexual desires and that it was degrading and immoral to pretend otherwise.”

Wollstonecraft felt that women should not give up freedom and control of their sexuality, and thus didn’t marry her partner, Gilbert Imlay, despite the two conceiving and having a child together in the midst of the Terror of the French Revolution. Though the relationship ended badly, due in part to the discovery of Imlay’s infidelity, and not least because Imlay abandoned her for good, Wollstonecraft’s belief in free love survived. She later developed a relationship with Godwin, who shared her free love ideals, and published on the subject throughout his life. However, the two did decide to marry, just days before her death due to complications at parturition.

In an act understood to support free love, their child, Mary, took up with the then still-married English romantic poet Percy Bysshe Shelley at a young age. Percy also wrote in defence of free love (and vegetarianism) in the prose notes of Queen Mab (1813), in his essay On Love (c. 1815) and in the poem Epipsychidion (1821):

I never was attached to that great sect,
Whose doctrine is, that each one should select
Out of the crowd a mistress or a friend,
And all the rest, though fair and wise, commend
To cold oblivion…

True love has this, different from gold and clay,
That to divide is not to take away.

Sharing the free-love ideals of the earlier social movements—as well as their feminism, pacifism, and simple communal life—were the utopian socialist communities of early-nineteenth-century France and Britain, associated with writers and thinkers such as Henri de Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier in France, and Robert Owen in England. Fourier, who coined the term feminism, argued that true freedom could only occur without masters, without the ethos of work, and without suppressing passions: the suppression of passions is not only destructive to the individual, but to society as a whole. He argued that all sexual expressions should be enjoyed as long as people are not abused, and that “affirming one’s difference” can actually enhance social integration.

Robert Owen argued that marriage formed one of an “awful trinity” of oppressors to mankind, as well as religion and private property, and his son Robert Dale was a leading proponent of free divorce. The Saint-Simonian feminist Pauline Roland took a free-love stance against marriage, having four children in the 1830s, all of whom bore her name.

The German composer Richard Wagner advocated something like free love in several of his works, and began a family with Cosima Liszt, then still married to the conductor Hans von Bülow. Though apparently scandalous at the time, such liaisons seemed the actions of admired artists who were following the dictates of their own wills, rather than those of social convention, and in this way they were in step with their era’s liberal philosophers of the cult of passion, such as Fourier, and their actual or eventual openness can be understood to be a prelude to the freer ways of the twentieth century. Friedrich Nietzsche spoke occasionally in favor of something like free love, but when he proposed marriage to that famous practitioner of it, Lou Andreas-Salome, she berated him for being inconsistent with his philosophy of the free and supramoral Superman, a criticism that Nietzsche seems to have taken seriously, or to have at least been stung by. The relationship between composer Frédéric Chopin and writer George Sand can be understood as exemplifying free love in a number of ways. Behavior of this kind by figures in the public eye did much to erode the credibility of conventionalism in relationships, especially when such conventionalism brought actual unhappiness to its practitioners.

That European outpost, Australia, which began its existence as a penal colony, had a much more flexible view of cohabitation and sexual bonding than was known in Europe itself at the time, “Neither the male nor the female convicts thought it was disgraceful, or even wrong, to live together out of wedlock.”

The eminent sociologist Herbert Spencer argued in his Principles of Sociology for the implementation of free divorce. Claiming that marriage consists of two components, “union by law” and “union by affection”, he argued that with the loss of the latter union, legal union should lose all meaning and dissolve automatically, without the legal requirement for a divorce. Free love particularly stressed women’s rights since most sexual laws discriminated against women: for example, marriage laws and anti-birth control measures.

Free love began to coalesce into a movement in the mid to late 19th century. The term was coined by the Christian socialist writer John Humphrey Noyes, although he preferred to use the term ‘complex marriage’. Noyes founded the Oneida Community in 1848, a utopian community that “[rejected] conventional marriage both as a form of legalism from which Christians should be free and as a selfish institution in which men exerted rights of ownership over women”. He found scriptural justification: “In the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are like the angels in heaven” (Matt. 22:30). Noyes also supported eugenics; and only certain people (including Noyes himself) were allowed to become parents. Another movement was established in Berlin Heights, Ohio.

In 1852, a writer named Marx Edgeworth Lazarus published a tract entitled “Love vs. Marriage pt. 1,” in which he portrayed marriage as “incompatible with social harmony and the root cause of mental and physical impairments.” Lazarus intertwined his writings with his religious teachings, a factor that made the Christian community more tolerable to the free love idea. Elements of the free-love movement also had links to abolitionist movements, drawing parallels between slavery and “sexual slavery” (marriage), and forming alliances with black activists.

American feminist Victoria Woodhull (1838–1927), the first woman to run for presidency in the U.S. in 1872, was also called “the high priestess of free love”. In 1871, Woodhull wrote: “Yes, I am a Free Lover. I have an inalienable, constitutional and natural right to love whom I may, to love as long or as short a period as I can; to change that love every day if I please, and with that right neither you nor any law you can frame have any right to interfere”.

The women’s movement, free love and Spiritualism were three strongly linked movements at the time, and Woodhull was also a spiritualist leader. Like Noyes, she also supported eugenics. Fellow social reformer and educator Mary Gove Nichols was happily married (to her second husband), and together they published a newspaper and wrote medical books and articles, a novel, and a treatise on marriage, in which they argued the case for free love. Both Woodhull and Nichols eventually repudiated free love.[citation needed]

Publications of the movement in the second half of the 19th century included Nichols’ Monthly, The Social Revolutionist, Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly (ed. Victoria Woodhull and her sister Tennessee Clafin), The Word (ed. Ezra Heywood), Lucifer, the Light-Bearer (ed. Moses Harman) and the German-language Detroit newspaper Der Arme Teufel (ed. Robert Reitzel). Organisations included the New England Free Love League, founded with the assistance of American libertarian Benjamin Tucker as a spin-off from the New England Labor Reform League (NELRL). A minority of freethinkers also supported free love.

The most radical free love journal was The Social Revolutionist, published in the 1856–1857, by John Patterson. The first volume consisted of twenty writers, of which only one was a woman.

Sex radicals were not alone in their fight against marriage ideals. Some other nineteenth-century Americans saw this social institution as flawed, but hesitated to abolish it. Groups such as the Shakers, the Oneida Community, and the Latter-day Saints were wary of the social notion of marriage. These organizations and sex radicals believed that true equality would never exist between the sexes as long as the church and the state continued to work together, worsening the problem of subordination of wives to their husbands.

Free-love movements continued into the early 20th century in bohemian circles in New York’s Greenwich Village. A group of Villagers lived free-love ideals and promoted them in the political journal The Masses and its sister publication The Little Review, a literary journal. Incorporating influences from the writings of the English thinkers and activists Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis, women such as Emma Goldman campaigned for a range of sexual freedoms, including homosexuality and access to contraception. Other notable figures among the Greenwich-Village scene who have been associated with free love include Edna St. Vincent Millay, Max Eastman, Crystal Eastman, Floyd Dell, Mabel Dodge Luhan, Ida Rauh, Hutchins Hapgood, Neith Boyce; a certain extreme was reached by self-proclaimed Satanist Anton LaVey. Dorothy Day also wrote passionately in defense of free love, women’s rights, and contraception—but later, after converting to Catholicism, she criticized the sexual revolution of the sixties.

The development of the idea of free love in the United States was also significantly impacted by the publisher of Playboy magazine, Hugh Hefner, whose activities and persona over more than a half century popularized the idea of free love to the general public.

Free love was a central tenet of the philosophy of the Fellowship of the New Life, founded in 1883, by the Scottish intellectual Thomas Davidson. Fellowship members included many illustrious intellectuals of the day, who went on to radically challenge accepted Victorian notions of morality and sexuality, including poets Edward Carpenter and John Davidson, animal rights activist Henry Stephens Salt, sexologist Havelock Ellis, feminists Edith Lees, Emmeline Pankhurst and Annie Besant and writers H. G. Wells, Bernard Shaw, Bertrand Russell and Olive Schreiner. Its objective was “The cultivation of a perfect character in each and all,” and believed in the transformation of society through setting an example of clean simplified living for others to follow. Many of the Fellowship’s members advocated pacifism, vegetarianism and simple living.

Edward Carpenter was the first activist for the rights of homosexuals. He became interested in progressive education, especially providing information to young people on the topic of sexual education. For Carpenter, sexual education meant forwarding a clear analysis of the ways in which sex and gender were used to oppress women, contained in Carpenter’s radical work Love’s Coming-of-Age. In it he argued that a just and equal society must promote the sexual and economic freedom of women

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. The main crux of his analysis centred on the negative effects of the institution of marriage. He regarded marriage in England as both enforced celibacy and a form of prostitution.

He did not believe women would truly be free until a socialist society was established.[citation needed] In contrast to many of his contemporaries, however, this led him to conclude that all oppressed workers should support women’s emancipation, rather than to subordinate women’s rights to male worker’s rights.[citation needed] He remarked, “…there is no solution except the freedom of woman – which means, of course, the freedom of the masses of the people, men and women, and the ceasing altogether of economic slavery. There is no solution which will not include the redemption of the terms free women and free love to their true and rightful significance. Let every woman whose heart bleeds for the sufferings of her sex, hasten to declare herself and to constitute herself, as far as she possibly can, a free woman.”

The best-known British advocate of free love was the philosopher Bertrand Russell, later Third Earl Russell, who said that he did not believe he really knew a woman until he had made love with her. Russell consistently addressed aspects of free love throughout his voluminous writings, and was not personally content with conventional monogamy until extreme old age. His most famous work on the subject was Marriage and Morals, published in 1929. The book heavily criticizes the Victorian notions of morality regarding sex and marriage. Russell argued that the laws and ideas about sex of his time were a potpourri from various sources, which were no longer valid with the advent of contraception, as the sexual acts are now separated from the conception. He argued that family is most important for the welfare of children, and as such, a man and a woman should be considered bound only after her first pregnancy.

Marriage and Morals prompted vigorous protests and denunciations against Russell shortly after the book’s publication. A decade later, the book cost him his professorial appointment at the City College of New York due to a court judgment that his opinions made him “morally unfit” to teach. Contrary to what many people believed, Russell did not advocate an extreme libertine position. Instead, he felt that sex, although a natural impulse like hunger or thirst, involves more than that, because no one is “satisfied by the bare sexual act”. He argued that abstinence enhances the pleasure of sex, which is better when it “has a large psychical element than when it is purely physical”.

Russell noted that for a marriage to work requires that there “be a feeling of complete equality on both sides; there must be no interference with mutual freedom; there must be the most complete physical and mental intimacy; and there must be a certain similarity in regard to standards of value”. He argued that it was, in general, impossible to sustain this mutual feeling for an indefinite length of time, and that the only option in such a case was to provide for either the easy availability of divorce, or the social sanction of extra-marital sex.

Interest in free love spread to Australia in the late 19th century. The English-born anarchist, Chummy Fleming founded the Melbourne Anarchist Club in 1886, which led a debate on the topic of free love, and a couple of years later released an anonymous pamphlet on the subject: ‘Free Love—Explained and Defended’ (possibly written by David Andrade or Chummy Fleming). The view of the Anarchist Club was formed in part as a reaction to the infamous Whitechapel murders by the notorious Jack the Ripper; his atrocities were at the time popularly understood by some—at least, by anarchists—to be a violation of the freedom of certain extreme classes of “working women,” but by extension of all women.

Newcastle libertarian Alice Winspear

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, the wife of pioneer socialist William Robert Winspear, wrote: “Let us have freedom—freedom for both man and woman—freedom to earn our bread in whatever vocation is best suited to us, and freedom to love where we like, and to live only with those whom we love, and by whom we are loved in return.” A couple of decades later, the Melbourne anarchist feminist poet Lesbia Harford also championed free love.

In the bohemian districts of Montmartre and Montparnasse, many were determined to shock the “bourgeois” sensibilities of the society they grew up in; many, such as the anarchist Benoît Broutchoux, favored free love. At the same time, the cross-dressing radical activist Madeleine Pelletier practised celibacy, distributed birth-control devices and information, and performed abortions.

An important propagandist of free love was individualist anarchist Emile Armand. He advocated naturism and polyamory in what he termed la camaraderie amoureuse. He wrote many propagandist articles on this subject such as “De la liberté sexuelle” (1907) where he advocated not only a vague free love but also multiple partners, which he called “plural love”. In the individualist anarchist journal L’en dehors he and others continued in this way. Armand seized this opportunity to outline his theses supporting revolutionary sexualism and camaraderie amoureuse that differed from the traditional views of the partisans of free love in several respects.

Later Armand submitted that from an individualist perspective nothing was reprehensible about making “love”, even if one did not have very strong feelings for one’s partner. “The camaraderie amoureuse thesis”, he explained, “entails a free contract of association (that may be annulled without notice, following prior agreement) reached between anarchist individualists of different genders, adhering to the necessary standards of sexual hygiene, with a view toward protecting the other parties to the contract from certain risks of the amorous experience, such as rejection, rupture, exclusivism, possessiveness, unicity, coquetry, whims, indifference, flirtatiousness, disregard for others, and prostitution.” He also published Le Combat contre la jalousie et le sexualisme révolutionnaire (1926), followed over the years by Ce que nous entendons par liberté de l’amour (1928), La Camaraderie amoureuse ou “chiennerie sexuelle” (1930), and, finally, La Révolution sexuelle et la camaraderie amoureuse (1934), a book of nearly 350 pages comprising most of his writings on sexuality. In a text from 1937, he mentioned among the individualist objectives the practice of forming voluntary associations for purely sexual purposes of heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual nature or of a combination thereof.

He also supported the right of individuals to change sex and stated his willingness to rehabilitate forbidden pleasures, non-conformist caresses (he was personally inclined toward voyeurism), as well as sodomy. This led him to allocate more and more space to what he called “the sexual non-conformists”, while excluding physical violence. His militancy also included translating texts from people such as Alexandra Kollontai and Wilhelm Reich and establishments of free love associations which tried to put into practice la camaraderie amoureuse through actual sexual experiences.

Free love advocacy groups active during this time included the Association d’Études sexologiques and the Ligue mondiale pour la Réforme sexuelle sur une base scientifique.

In Germany, from 1891 to 1919, the Verband Fortschrittlicher Frauenvereine (League of Progressive Women’s Associations) called for a boycott of marriage and for the enjoyment of sexuality. Founded by Lily Braun and Minna Cauer, the league also aimed to organise prostitutes into labor unions, taught contraception, and supported the right to abortion and the abolition of criminal penalties against homosexuality, as well as running child-care programs for single mothers. In 1897, teacher and writer Emma Trosse published a brochure titled Ist freie Liebe Sittenlosigkeit? (“Is free love immoral?”).

The worldwide homosexual emancipation movement also began in Germany in the late 19th century, and many of the thinkers whose work inspired sexual liberation in the 20th century were also from the German-speaking world, such as Sigmund Freud, Otto Gross, Herbert Marcuse, Wilhelm Reich, and Max Stirner’s follower and biographer, John Henry Mackay.

After the October Revolution in Russia, Alexandra Kollontai became the most prominent woman in the Soviet administration. Kollontai was also a champion of free love. However, Clara Zetkin recorded that Lenin opposed free love as “completely un-Marxist, and moreover, anti-social”. Zetkin also recounted Lenin’s denunciation of plans to organise Hamburg’s women prostitutes into a “special revolutionary militant section”: he saw this as “corrupt and degenerate.”

Despite the traditional marital lives of Lenin and most Bolsheviks, they believed that sexual relations were outside the jurisdiction of the state. The Soviet government abolished centuries-old Czarist regulations on personal life, which had prohibited homosexuality and made it difficult for women to obtain divorce permits or to live singly. However, by the end of the 1920s, Stalin had taken over the Communist Party and begun to implement socially conservative policies. Homosexuality was classified as a mental disorder, and free love was further demonized.

From the late 1940s to the 1960s, the bohemian free-love tradition of Greenwich Village in America was carried on by the beat generation, although differing with their predecessors by being an apparently male-dominated movement. The Beats also produced the first appearance of male homosexual champions of free love in the U.S., with writers such as Allen Ginsberg and William S. Burroughs. Like some of those before, the beats challenged a range of social conventions, and they found inspiration in such aspects of black culture as jazz music. The Beat movement led on the West Coast to the activities of such groups as the Merry Pranksters (led, according to Grateful Dead historian Dennis McNally, not by novelist Ken Kesey, but by hipster and driver Neal Cassady) and the entire San Francisco pop music scene, in which the implications of sexual bohemianism were advanced in a variety of ways by the hippies. The study of sexology continued to gain prominence throughout the era, with the work of researchers Alfred Kinsey and Masters and Johnson supporting challenges to traditional values regarding sex and marriage.

With the Summer of Love in 1967, the eccentricities of this group became a nationally recognized movement. Despite the developing sexual revolution and the influence of the Beatniks had in this new counterculture social rebellion, it has been acknowledged that the New Left movement was arguably the most prominent advocate of free love during the late 1960s. Many among the counterculture youth sided with New Left arguments that marriage was a symbol of the traditional capitalist culture which supported war. “Make Love Not War,” a slogan of antiquity renewed by John Lennon and Yoko Ono among others, became a popular slogan in the counterculture movement which denounced both war and capitalism. Images from the pro-socialist May 1968 uprising in France, which occurred as the anti-war protests were escalating throughout the United States, would provide a significant source of morale to the New Left cause as well.

Second wave feminism continued to question traditional Judeo-Christian teaching on sexuality, while groups like Moral Majority and the Christian right opposed change, after Roe v Wade greatly increased access to abortion in the United States.

After the Stonewall riots, gay rights became an increasingly prominent issue, but by the early 21st century gay activists had shifted their focus to same-sex marriage rather than free love. Divorce and blended families became more common, and young couples increasingly chose to live together in common law marriages or domestic partnerships rather than tying the knot in church.

List of villages in Bhutan

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Villages in Bhutan are made up of groups of individual settlements, grouped together by chiwog for election purposes. Village populations vary widely, from dozens to hundreds. Generally, greater numbers of villages within chiwogs indicate lower populations in the vast majority of those villages.
Villages in Bhutan are governed directly by Gewog (village block) governments, which in turn are subordinate to Dzongkhag (district) or Dungkhag (sub-district) governments. Villages in Bhutan may be distinguished from Thromdes (municipalities), which are larger settlements not part of any Chiwog, and which may be self-governing under the Local Government Act of Bhutan 2009. This Act also provides for the redrawing of chiwog borders and regrouping of villages by the Demarcation Commission in order to define relatively equally populated single member constituencies. Village and chiwog demarcations, therefore

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, are subject to considerable change.
Many village names are recurring, and may be shared even among neighboring settlements. Sometimes this indicates a large village spread among more than one chiwog. Geographical names frequently include: wom (Dzongkha: འོགམ་; “lower”), gom (སྒོངམ་; “upper/higher”), (kha)toed (སྟོད་; “upper [valley]”), (kha)maed (སྨད་; “lower [valley]”), nang (ནང་; “inner”), -gang (སྒང་; “hilltop, ridge”), -ling (གླིང་; “place”), -la (ལ་; “mountain pass”), -thang (ཐང་; “valley”), -pelri (དཔལ་རི་; “mountain”)

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, -chhu (ཆུ་; “river”), and -dey (སྡེ་; “part, section”). Popular name parts also include choekhor (ཆོས་འཁོར་; “dharma wheel”), dekid (བདེ་སྐྱིད་

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; “peace”), phel (འཕེལ་; “flourish”), phuen (ཕུན་; “complete, perfect, wonderful”), tashi (བཀྲ་ཤིས་/བཀྲིས་; “auspicious”), goenpa (དགོན་པ་; “monastery”), lhakhang (ལྷ་ཁང་ “temple”), pema (པདྨ་; “lotus”), and norbu (ནོར་བུ་; “jewel”). Spelling variations are frequent; in government documents certain transliterations are equivalent: “oo” and “u;” “ay” and “ey;” and in some circumstances, “a” and “e.”

The following are lists of villages in Bhutan by District as of 2011. Slashes indicate names combined names and disambiguations. Parenthetical names are alternative designations and may reflect a Nepali name

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Mweya

Mweya is a location in the Western Region of Uganda.

Mweya is located in Kasese District, Rwenzururu sub-region, Western Uganda. It lies within Queen Elizabeth National Park, the most visited of Uganda’s national parks.[citation needed] The location of Mweya is approximately 66 kilometres (41 mi), by road, south of Kasese, the district headquarters and the largest town in the sub-region

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. This location is on the northeastern shores of Lake Edward at the point where the Kazinga Channel joins the lake. The coordinates of Mweya are:00 12 47S, 29 53 42E (Latitude:-0.2130; Longitude:29.8950).
Mweya is the most visited location in Queen Elizabeth National Park, due to the amenities and facilities clustered close to its location, including Mweya Airport, accommodation facilities

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, access to Lake Edward and Kazinga Channel

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, and abundant game, on land, in the water

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, and in the air

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. The topography, fauna, and flora around Mweya in the northern sector of the national park, differs significantly from that in the southern sector (also known as the Ishasha sector).
The landmarks within or near Mweya include:

Ranbir (newspaper)

Ranbir (Urdu: رنبیر‎) was a daily Urdu language newspaper published from Jammu

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, India. It was the first daily newspaper in Jammu and Kashmir.

Ranbir was founded and edited by Lala Mulkraj Saraf. He had previously worked as sub-editor of Lala Lajpat Rai’s nationalist organ Bande Mataram kelme sport. Saraf had negotiated for some time to obtain the permission from the Maharaja Pratap Singh of Jammu and Kashmir to publish Ranbir as a statewide weekly.
The newspaper was named after Maharaja Ranbir Singh. The first issue of Ranbir was published on 24 June 1924. Ranbir would become the first daily newspaper in Jammu and Kashmir. The newspaper was printed at the Government Press. Instantly after its foundation, the paper gained a wide readership in the state

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In May 1930 Maharaja Hari Singh issued a ban on Ranbir (accusing it of ‘subversive propaganda’)

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, following an article about an agitation in Jammu related to the arrest of Mahatma Gandhi in British India. The Maharaja argued that Ranbir had, in its 7 May 1930 (Baisakh 25

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, 1987) issue exaggerated the participation figures in the Jammu protest and that the newspaper had false alluded that the Maharaja himself would have supported the protests. The newspaper was allowed to resume publication in November 1931. This period was marked by increased pressure towards responsible government in Jammu and Kashmir, a movement that Ranbir supported.
The newspaper was banned in June 1947, following having demanded accession to India and urged for the release of Sheikh Abdullah. The ban was eventually lifted and Ranbir re-appeared in September 1947. In the following years Ranbir was an important mouthpiece of the anti-Pakistani tendency in Jammu and Kashmir. Ranbir was finally closed down on 18 May 1950.

Wait till the Sun Shines, Nellie (film)

Wait till the Sun Shines, Nellie is a 1952 film drama directed by Henry King bogner ski outlet, sharing the name of a popular song. It stars Jean Peters and David Wayne.

Expecting to honeymoon in Chicago and live there, newlywed Nellie is disappointed when she and Ben Halper disembark from their train at a small town in Illinois

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, where he has chosen to live and run a barber shop.
Ben lies to his wife, claiming the shop is only rented and likewise their home, when actually he has purchased both. Nellie gives birth to their two children, but wants so much to see Chicago that when Ben is away, she accepts an offer from Ed Jordan, a hardware store owner, to visit the big city together. In a train wreck, Nellie is killed.
The thought that his wife might have been unfaithful haunts Ben over the coming years. His children grow up, and Ben Jr. decides against his father’s wishes to go to Chicago as a dancer in a vaudeville act.
Ben becomes a grandfather and his son serves in World War I

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, where he is injured and can no longer dance. Ben Jr. takes a job with a Chicago racketeer named Kava, to his father’s shame. One day, both Ben Jr. and his boss are gunned down by machine guns.
An elderly Ben Halper looks back on his life with regret, his greatest remaining pleasure being that his granddaughter, Nellie, grows up to exactly resemble the woman he long ago married.

Chiara Zorzi

Chiara Zorzi or Giorgio, also Clara or Claire (died 1454), was the second wife and widow of Nerio II Acciaioli, Duke of Athens, and regent for their young son Francesco I after Nerio’s death in 1451.
She was the daughter of Nicholas III Zorzi, the titular margrave of Bodonitsa, and renowned for her beauty. After Nerio’s death, she fell in love with the Venetian Bartolomeo Contarini, who murdered his wife in order to stay with her and marry her in Athens (1453). However, Mehmet II of the Ottoman Empire intervened at the insistence of the people on the behalf of the young duke Francis and summoned Bartolomeo and Chiara to his court at Adrianople.
Another Acciaioli, Francesco II, was sent to Athens as a Turkish client duke and Chiara thus deprived of her power in the city. Evidently, the citizenry had mistrusted the two lovers influence over the young duke, for whose safety they may have feared

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. The new duke had Chiara murdered at Megara, and Bartolomeo appealed to the sultan for justice. Athens was taken into Turkish hands and Francis II deposed.

Elections to the European Parliament

Elections to the European Parliament take place every five years by universal adult suffrage. 751 MEPs are elected to the European Parliament, which has been directly elected since 1979. No other EU institution is directly elected, with the Council of the European Union and the European Council being only indirectly legitimated through national elections. While Europarties have the right to campaign EU-wide for the European elections, campaigns still take place through national election campaigns, advertising national delegates from national parties.

The allocation of seats to each member state is based on the principle of degressive proportionality, so that, while the size of the population of each country is taken into account, smaller states elect more MEPs than is proportional to their populations. As the numbers of MEPs to be elected by each country have arisen from treaty negotiations, there is no precise formula for the apportionment of seats among member states. No change in this configuration can occur without the unanimous consent of all governments.
Italicised countries are divided into sub-national constituencies. a Includes Gibraltar, but not any other BOT, SBA or Crown dependency b The speaker is not counted officially, thus leaving 750 MEPs. c As proposed by European Parliament on 13 March 2013
There is no uniform voting system for the election of MEPs; rather, each member state is free to choose its own system, subject to certain restrictions:
Most of the member states of the European Union elect their MEPs with a single constituency covering the entire state, using party-list proportional representation. There is however a great variety of electoral procedures: some countries use the highest averages method of proportional representation, some use the largest remainder method, some open lists and others closed. In addition, the method of calculating the quota and the election threshold vary from country to country. Countries with multiple constituencies are:
Germany, Italy and Poland use a different system, whereby parties are awarded seats based on their nationwide vote as in all of the states that elect members from a single constituency; these seats are given to the candidates on regional lists. With the number of seats for each party known, these are given to the candidates on the regional lists based on the number of votes from each region towards the party’s nationwide total, awarded proportionally to the regions. These subdivisions are not strictly constituencies, as they do not decide how many seats each party is awarded, but are districts that the members represent once elected. The number of members for each region is decided dynamically after the election, and depends on voter turnout in each region. A region with high turnout will result in more votes for the parties there, which will result in a greater number of MEPs elected for that region.
The European Union has a multi-party system involving a number of ideologically diverse Europarties. As no one Europarty has ever gained power alone, their affiliated parliamentary groups must work with each other to pass legislation. Since no pan-European government is formed as a result of the European elections, long-term coalitions have never occurred.
Europarties have the exclusive right to campaign for the European elections; their parliamentary groups are strictly forbidden to campaign and to spend funds on any campaign-related activity. For the 2014 EP election, Europarties decided to put forward a candidate for President of the European Commission; each candidate will lead the pan-European campaign of the Europarty. While no legal obligation exists to force the European Council to propose the candidate of the strongest party to the EP, it is assumed that the Council will have no other choice than to accept the voters decision.
The two major parties are the centre-right European People’s Party and the centre-left Party of European Socialists. They form the two largest groups, (called EPP and S&D respectively) along with other smaller parties. There are numerous other groups, including communists, greens, regionalists, conservatives, liberals and eurosceptics. Together they form the seven recognised groups in the parliament. MEPs that are not members of groups are known as non-inscrits.
A 1980 analysis by Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt concluded that European elections were fought on national issues and used by voters to punish their governments mid-term, making European Parliament elections de facto national elections of second rank. Turnout has been falling steadily since the first elections in 1979, indicating increased apathy about the Parliament despite its increase in power over that period

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. Turnout has constantly fallen in every EU election since 1979. In 2009, the overall turnout was at 43%, down from 45.5% in 2004. In Britain the turnout was just 34.3%, down from 38% in 2004. Despite falling below 50% since 1999, turnout is not yet as low as that of the US Midterm elections, which usually falls below 40%. However, the comparison with the US voter turnout is hampered due to the fact that the US President is elected in separate and direct elections (presidential system), whereas the President of the European Commission is only approved by the European Parliament (parliamentary system), giving the European Parliament elections considerable weight. Some, such as former President of the European Parliament, Pat Cox, have also noted that turnout in the 1999 election was higher than the previous US presidential election. German MEP Jo Leinen has suggested that EU parties name their top candidate for the position of President of the European Commission in order to increase turnout.
Historical percentage results in union-wide elections of the three major groups by region.
Legend:        Socialist (PES/S&D) –      Liberal (ELDR/ALDE) –      People’s (EPP/EPP-ED)

As of 2011 reforms by Liberal Democrat MEP Andrew Duff are being considered by Parliament, which are seen as the most significant overhaul of the electoral system since elections began. 25 extra MEPs would be added on a transnational European list with its candidates being selected by the European party groups rather than national member parties. The candidate lists would have to represent a third of member states and are seen as a way to personalise and dramatise the elections to re-engage an apathetic electorate. Duff sees the next Commission President possibly coming from the transnational list. Duff’s proposals also include a single electoral roll, regular reapportioning of seats, one set of immunity rules and the holding of elections in May rather than June. However, due to a waning of support and possible opposition from member states, Duff has taken the proposal back to committee to get broader support before putting them before the plenary in autumn 2011.
The third Delors Commission had a short mandate, to bring the terms of the Commission in line with that of the Parliament. Under the European Constitution the European Council would have to take into account the results of the latest European elections and, furthermore, the Parliament would ceremonially “elect”, rather than simply approve, the Council’s proposed candidate. This was taken as the parliament’s cue to have its parties run with candidates for the President of the European Commission with the candidate of the winning party being proposed by the Council.
This was partly put into practice in 2004 when the European Council selected a candidate from the political party that won that year’s election. However at that time only one party had run with a specific candidate: the European Green Party, who had the first true pan-European political party with a common campaign, put forward Daniel Cohn-Bendit. However the fractious nature of the other political parties led to no other candidates, the People’s Party only mentioned four or five people they’d like to be President. The Constitution failed ratification but these amendments have been carried over to the Treaty of Lisbon, which came into force in 2009.
There are plans to strengthen the European political parties in order for them to propose candidates for the 2009 election. The European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party have already indicated, in their October 2007 congress, their intention for forward a candidate for the post as part of a common campaign. They failed to do so however the European People’s Party did select Barroso as their candidate and, as the largest party, Barroso’s turn was renewed. The Socialists, disappointed at the 2009 election, agreed to put forward a candidate for Commission President at all subsequent elections. There is a campaign within that party to have open primaries for said candidate.
In February 2008, President Barroso admitted there was a problem in legitimacy and that, despite having the same legitimacy as Prime Ministers in theory, in practice it was not the case. The low turnout creates a problem for the President’s legitimacy, with the lack of a “European political sphere”, but analysis claim that if citizens were voting for a list of candidates for the post of president, turn out would be much higher than that seen in recent years.
With the Lisbon Treaty now in-force, Europarties are obliged from now-on to put forward a candidate for President of the European Commission; each Presidential candidate will, in fact, lead the pan-European campaign of the Europarty.
The President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek proposed in 2010 that Commissioners be directly elected, by member states placing their candidate at the top of their voting lists in European elections. That would give them individually, and the body as a whole, a democratic mandate.
Each Member State has different rules determining who can vote for and run as the European Parliamentary candidates.
Every EU citizen residing in an EU country of which he/she is not a national has the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in European Parliamentary elections in his/her country of residence, under the same conditions as nationals of that country – this right is enshrined in Article 39 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In addition, the right to vote is included in Articles 20(1) and 22(1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. To this extent all EU countries keep electoral registers containing the names of all eligible voters in the specific region, to which eligible newcomers to the area can apply at any time to have their names added. EU citizens are then eligible to vote for the duration of their stay in that country.
It is therefore possible for a person to have the choice of voting in more than one EU member state. For example, a Portuguese citizen who studies at university in France and lives at home outside term-time in the family home in the United Kingdom has the option of voting in the European Parliamentary election in France, Portugal or the United Kingdom. In this scenario, although the Portuguese citizen qualifies to vote in three EU member states, he/she is only permitted to cast one vote in one of the member states.
The magazine of the Young European Federalists publishes prognoses based on national polls for the upcoming European parliament if there was an election held today:
Some websites give prognoses in seats. The values of the ENF member parties before the constitution of the group in June 2015 are indicated in brackets.
This article is part of a series on the politics and government of the European Union
President Juncker (EPP)
Secretary-General Day
President Schulz (S&D)
Luxembourgish Presidency
President Tusk (EPP)
President Draghi

HMAS Broome (J191)

HMAS Broome (J191), named for the town of Broome, Western Australia, was one of 60 Bathurst-class corvettes constructed during World War II and one of 20 built for the Admiralty but manned by personnel of and commissioned into the Royal Australian Navy (RAN).

In 1938, the Australian Commonwealth Naval Board (ACNB) identified the need for a general purpose ‘local defence vessel’ capable of both anti-submarine and mine-warfare duties, while easy to construct and operate. The vessel was initially envisaged as having a displacement of approximately 500 tons, a speed of at least 10 knots (19 km/h; 12 mph), and a range of 2,000 nautical miles (3,700 km; 2,300 mi) The opportunity to build a prototype in the place of a cancelled Bar-class boom defence vessel saw the proposed design increased to a 680-ton vessel, with a 15.5 knots (28.7 km/h; 17.8 mph) top speed, and a range of 2,850 nautical miles (5

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,280 km; 3,280 mi), armed with a 4-inch gun, equipped with asdic, and able to fitted with either depth charges or minesweeping equipment depending on the planned operations: although closer in size to a sloop than a local defence vessel, the resulting increased capabilities were accepted due to advantages over British-designed mine warfare and anti-submarine vessels. Construction of the prototype HMAS Kangaroo did not go ahead, but the plans were retained. The need for locally built ‘all-rounder’ vessels at the start of World War II saw the “Australian Minesweepers” (designated as such to hide their anti-submarine capability, but popularly referred to as “corvettes”) approved in September 1939, with 60 constructed during the course of the war: 36 ordered by the RAN, 20 (including Broome) ordered by the British Admiralty but manned and commissioned as RAN vessels, and 4 for the Royal Indian Navy.
Broome was laid down by Evans Deakin and Company at Brisbane on 3 May 1941, launched on 6 October 1941 by Mrs. M. J. McKew, wife of the shipyard’s works manager, and commissioned on 29 July 1942.
The corvette operated during World War II, and was awarded the battle honours “Pacific 1942-45” and “New Guinea 1942-44” for her service.
HMAS Broome paid off on 24 August 1946, was sold to the Turkish Navy and renamed Alanya. The vessel left Turkish service in 1975. The ship’s bell was recovered before the sale, and returned to Broome. It was presented to the Broome Road Board in June 1952, who then passed the bell on to Broome State School in November. The bell later ended up at the town’s Returned and Services League club.

Battle of Champaubert

Campaign in south-west France
Campaign in Italy
The Battle of Champaubert (10 February 1814) was the opening engagement of the Six Days’ Campaign. It was fought between 15,000 French soldiers led by Napoleon and a 3,700-man Russian corps under Lieutenant General Count Nikolay Dmitrevich Olsufiev (1775–1817). The Russian corps was effectively destroyed with only 1,300-1,700 men escaping into the woods. Olsufiev became a prisoner. Champaubert is located 85 kilometres (53 mi) east of Paris.
The battle of Champaubert was one of the few times during the War of the Sixth Coalition that France was able to take to the field with a considerable numerical advantage.

Napoleon moved against an over-extended Prussian army in the hope of whittling it down by a series of battles. On 10 February, he caught General Olssufiev’s IX Corps of five thousand Russians near the village of Baye just south of Champaubert, a town located in the valley of the Marne, east of Paris.
Napoleon’s French army consisted of 30,000 hungry and tired men, including many raw conscripts, and 120 cannons, however the French, nonetheless, enjoyed a six-to-one advantage.
They were commanded in the field by the marshal, Auguste Marmont, under the direction of the Emperor himself.[citation needed]
Olssufiev pickets were overrun by 10:00 and although badly outnumbered, Olssufiev decided to fight rather than retreat. His decision was based on the mistaken hope that he would get reinforcements from Field Marshal Blücher in time to prevent a disaster. He was wrong, and Marmont crushed him.
No help was coming and after five hours of fighting

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, the Russians had been forced to fall-back through Champaubert, and before they could reach Étoges, some of the corps was enveloped by Marshal Ney’s cavalry corps.
The French lost 600 killed and wounded out of the 13,300 infantry and 1,700 cavalry that were engaged in the action. The Russians lost 2,400 men and nine guns out of the 3,700 soldiers and 24 guns that were present. Captured were General-Leutnant Olssufiev and General-major Prince Poltaratzky, who led a brigade. A brigade under Major General Kornieloff fought its way out.
This victory split Blücher’s army in two. The next day Napoleon attacked the vanguard and defeated Osten-Sacken and Yorck at Montmirail, before turning and defeating the main body of Blücher’s army Battle of Vauchamps on 14 February.

Dennis Rowland

Dennis Rowland is a jazz vocalist born and raised in Detroit, MI. Having grown up in a household of jazz enthusiasts

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, Rowland developed an appreciation for Jazz music at an early age. At the age of five or six Rowland heard the vocals of Joe Williams of the Count Basie Orchestra, which has influenced his approach to singing ever since. Rowland’s voice is rich and deep, and throughout the early 1970s, Rowland worked Detroit’s local jazz and acting scene. In 1977 Rowland was hired by Count Basie as a vocalist on his tours, filling the same role his idols Joe Williams and Jimmy Rushing had occupied for so many years. For Rowland, it was a dream come true and he would tour with Basie for the following seven years. During his time with Basie, Rowland had the chance to share the stage with such icons as Sarah Vaughan, Ella Fitzgerald and Tony Bennett. Rowland was seen recently as Jimmy Baker in the film Real Gone Cat by film director Robert Sucato. He currently resides and performs regularly in Phoenix, Arizona.
December 19, 2012 Dennis Rowland is hospitalized at Barrow Neurological Institute in Phoenix after suffering a severe stroke.