Radu Niculescu

Radu Horia Niculescu (ur kurtki bogner. 2 marca 1975 w Sibiu), były piłkarz rumuński grający na pozycji napastnika. Podczas kariery piłkarskiej mierzył 183 cm wzrostu, ważył 75 kg.
Piłkarską karierę Niculescu rozpoczął w rodzinnym Sibiu w klubie Şoimii IPA Sibiu. W 1990 roku trafił do silniejszego Interu Sibiu i 16 czerwca 1991 zadebiutował w pierwszej lidze w wygranym 4:0 meczu z Progresulem Brăila. W pierwszym składzie Interu zaczął grać w sezonie 1993/1994, a po nim został wypożyczony do Dinama Bukareszt, dla którego rozegrał tylko 3 mecze. Sezon 1994/1995 kończył w Universitatei Craiova, z którą został wicemistrzem Rumunii.
W 1995 roku Niculescu przeszedł do Naţionalu Bukareszt. Dwukrotnie z rzędu w latach 1996-1997 zostawał z nim wicemistrzem kraju, a grał tam do 2000 roku z małą przerwą na półroczne występy w Rapidzie Bukareszt (mistrzostwo Rumunii w 1999) kurtki bogner. Natomiast w 2001 roku miał mały udział w wywalczeniu mistrzostwa kraju dla Steauy. W sezonie 2001/2002 występował w Naţionalu (wicemistrzostwo) oraz tureckim Galatasaray SK, z którym był mistrzem Turcji kurtki bogner. W sezonie 2002/2003 występował w MKE Ankaragücü. Następnie zahaczył o Steauę i Naţional kurtki bogner, a karierę kończył w 2004 roku w chińskim Changchun Yatai.
W reprezentacji Rumunii Niculescu zadebiutował 13 lutego 1994 roku w wygranym 2:1 towarzyskim meczu z USA. W 1998 roku został powołany przez Anghela Iordănescu do kadry na Mistrzostwa Świata we Francji. Na tym turnieju zagrał dwukrotnie jako rezerwowy: w wygranym 1:0 grupowym meczu z Kolumbią i przegranym 0:1 w 1/8 finału z Chorwacją. W kadrze narodowej zagrał 15 razy i strzelił 2 gole.

Joseph DiVarco

Joseph Vincent “Caesar” DiVarco (July 27, 1911–January 1986) was a Chicago mobster with the Chicago Outfit who was involved in numerous street rackets.
He and Joe Arnold were partners in a local haberdashery during the 1960s

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. As an associate of North Side caporegime Vincent Solano, DiVarco later oversaw the day-to-day operations of the Rush Street crew. During the 1970s and 1980s, these activities included illegal gambling, loan sharking, extortion

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, protection, “street tax” collections, and the operation of several adult bookstore operations. DiVarco, along with James Alegretti watched over all the Outfit-owned night clubs, gambling halls, and brothels in the area. He was basically under the rule of Ross Prio. DiVarco was said to have performed many hits for Outfit boss Sam Giancana. After Giancana was murdered, DiVarco’s power waned.
In 1983, Solano ordered DiVarco to murder mobster Ken Eto. Eto had recently been convicted on gambling charges and Solano was worried about him testifying for the authorities. Two hitmen, Jasper Campise and John Gattuso, a Cook County, Illinois sheriff’s deputy, ambushed Eto in his car and shot him three times in the head. However, the two men had improperly packed their own ammunition and the shots did not penetrate Eto’s skull. Eto survived and became a government witness. In retribution for the botched hit, DiVarco was stripped of his power and the two hitmen were murdered.
Federal authorities learned of DiVarco’s role in the Chicago Outfit through undercover surveillance, government informants, and cooperation with other state and federal agencies. In 1985, DiVarco was convicted of Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) violations and running a sports betting operation. He was sentenced to ten years in prison.
In 1986

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, Joseph DiVarco died in federal prison.

SV Lippstadt 08

SV Lippstadt is a German association football club from the city of Lippstadt, North Rhine-Westphalia.

The two predecessors of the current-day club were both established in March 1908. Borussia Lippstadt was founded 24 March by students of the Gymnasium Ostendorf, while Lippstädter SV Teutonia was also founded sometime late in the month. Teutonia merged with SV Westfalia Lippstadt in 1921 and established a ground at Waldschlößchen that same year. This club played briefly in the top-flight regional league in 1931–33 until a general re-organization of German football under the Third Reich into sixteen first division Gauliga in 1933 saw then shuffled down to second level competition.
Late in World War II Teutonia and SV Borussia Lippstadt played alongside Luftwaffe Sportverein Lipperbruchbaumas as part of the combined wartime side, or Kriegspielgemeinshaft, KSG Lippstadt. This team was inserted into the crumbling first division Gauliga Westfalen/Group 3 but never played a league match as war overtook the area. Following the conflict, occupying Allied authorities ordered the dissolution of organizations across the country, including sports and football clubs.
Both Borussia and Teutonia were re-established as separate sides after the war and in 1957 finished one-two competing against each other in the Landesliga Westfalen (III). Borussia was promoted directly into Verbandsliga Westfalen, while Teutonia also advanced after winning its way through a promotion playoff. Both sides were quickly sent down with the former playing only a single season at that level, while the latter played two seasons. For the most part over the next few decades the two clubs were up and down between the city and district circuits

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. They both enjoyed stints in the Verbandsliga beginning in the mid-70s, while Teutonia spent the first half of the 80s in the Oberliga.
Teutonia emerged from the Landesliga Westfalen (VI) and into the Verbandsliga Westfalen (V) in 1994

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. A merger in 1997 united the two clubs to create SV Lippstadt 08 and the new team earned promotion to the Oberliga Westfalen (IV) on the strength of a second place result in the 1997–98 season

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. Their play has been uneven since their arrival into the country’s highest amateur league. After earning top three finishes in their first two seasons at that level Lippstadt has since generally ended in the lower half of the table, including a close brush with relegation in 2005 but it remained in the league until the Oberliga Westfalen was disbanded in 2008.
Not strong enough to compete in the new NRW-Liga the club played in the Westfalenliga until 2012 when a league championship took it back up to the now reformed Oberliga Westfalen. A league championship in the Oberliga in 2013 earned it promotion to the tier four Regionalliga West but it was relegated from this level after only one season and now plays in the Oberliga again.
The club’s honours:
Note: Flags indicate national team as defined under FIFA eligibility rules. Players may hold more than one non-FIFA nationality

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Western Australian state election, 1901

George Throssell Ministerialist
George Leake Oppositionist
Elections were held in the state of Western Australia on 24 April 1901 to elect 50 members to the Western Australian Legislative Assembly. It was the first election to take place since responsible government without the towering presence of Premier Sir John Forrest, who had left state politics two months earlier to enter the first Federal parliament representing the Division of Swan.
The Ministerial group, led by Forrest’s nominated successor George Throssell, ran a half-hearted campaign for government, with Throssell saying in a policy speech that while he would continue to serve as Premier if required, “it was not the class of political life he desired, as it interfered too much with his leisure.” Meanwhile

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, the Opposition had no clear leader, with the Parliamentary leader Frederick Illingworth and George Leake, who was seeking to return to Parliament in the election

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, both apparently contenders. The groups were neither formal nor organised, with many members and candidates professing rather confused allegiances and running their own campaigns on local issues.
Following the introduction of payment of members in 1900, which effectively allowed men without independent means to sit in Parliament

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, the Labour Party offered 22 candidates to the voters compared to three at the previous election, each of which was pledged to the party’s platform. The Westralian Worker newspaper, launched six months earlier, was used to publicise the campaign. They ultimately won six seats, of which five were located in the Goldfields

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No clear winner emerged, and considerable instability resulted as three Ministries either resigned or were defeated on a want of confidence motion. The situation was ultimately resolved when half of the Morgans Ministry were defeated in ministerial by-elections in December 1901, which gave the Opposition a narrow majority with Independent or Labour support.
The election took place based on boundaries established in the Constitution Act Amendment Act 1899, which increased the number of members from 44 to 50 and reflected demographic changes—the Pilbara region lost two seats as did the Murchison region, whilst five seats were created in Kalgoorlie and the Eastern Goldfields and four seats were created in the Perth metropolitan area. The election was conducted under the first past the post system, and electorates had a wide variety of numbers of enrolled voters, ranging from 108 at East Kimberley to 7,024 at Hannans—nine electorates had 500 or less, whilst the same number had 3,000 or more.

Western Australian state election, 24 April 1901 Legislative Assembly

Bataille de Majadahonda

Plan de la bataille de Majadahonda, le 11 août 1812, deuxième phase.
Guerre d’indépendance espagnole
Batailles
Géolocalisation sur la carte : Communauté de Madrid
Différences entre dessin et blasonnement : Bataille de Majadahonda.
Géolocalisation sur la carte : Espagne
Différences entre dessin et blasonnement : Bataille de Majadahonda.
modifier
La bataille de Majadahonda se déroule le 11 août 1812 à Majadahonda, près de Madrid dans le cadre de la guerre d’indépendance espagnole. Elle oppose la division de cavalerie française du général Anne-François-Charles Trelliard à l’avant-garde de l’armée anglo-portugaise commandée par le brigadier-général D’Urban.
Au matin du 11 août, la cavalerie anglo-portugaise du brigadier-général D’Urban, qui avance en tête de l’armée du duc de Wellington, occupe les villages de Majadahonda et Las Rozas. Les Portugais sont surpris par la division de dragons du général Trelliard qui les assaille et s’enfuient, en abandonnant trois canons. Les Français galopent ensuite jusqu’à Las Rozas et sèment la panique dans le campement britannique, avant de se replier et de faire face à la ligne de bataille ennemie. Un nouveau combat a lieu et reste indécis jusqu’à l’engagement des escadrons de réserve français qui décident de l’issue de la bataille.
La réputation de la cavalerie portugaise ne sort pas grandie de cet affrontement, malgré leur beau comportement à la bataille des Arapiles, le mois précédent. Le général Beresford réclame un châtiment exemplaire, demande qui est toutefois classée sans suite par Wellington.

Après la défaite de l’armée du maréchal Marmont à la bataille des Arapiles, le 22 juillet 1812, les troupes du général Wellington se dirigent sur Madrid. Joseph Bonaparte, roi d’Espagne, hésite sur la conduite à tenir mais décide finalement de se retirer en direction de la Sierra Morena. Son armée, positionnée en avant de la capitale, suit le mouvement et décroche à l’arrivée des Anglo-Portugais. Cependant, la division de cavalerie du général Anne-François-Charles Trelliard reste sur place, et la brigade de dragons du colonel Reiset passe la nuit du 10 au 11 août à Las Rozas. Le 11, ils sont avertis de l’approche de l’avant-garde de Wellington.
Le matin du 11 août, D’Urban arrive à Las Rozas et fait tonner le canon contre la brigade du colonel Reiset, qui recule. Majadahonda est occupé à 10 heures par les cavaliers portugais, tandis que les troupes de la King’s German Legion s’installent un peu en arrière du village, à Las Rozas. Pendant ce temps, les Français se retirent sur Boadilla, où ils sont rejoints par le roi Joseph en personne. Celui-ci informe le général Trelliard qu’il souhaite connaître la force des colonnes adverses en marche, et lui ordonne de repartir en avant afin d’accrocher l’avant-garde de Wellington

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L’avant-garde de Wellington est commandée par le brigadier-général Benjamin D’Urban. Elle est composée des 1er, 11e et 12e régiments de dragons portugais, de deux régiments de dragons lourds et d’un bataillon d’infanterie de la King’s German Legion. Le tout est accompagné d’une batterie d’artillerie à cheval forte de six canons, commandée par le capitaine Macdonald. Le major-général Bock

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, responsable des troupes allemandes, prend temporairement la tête de toute la cavalerie britannique et est remplacé à son poste par le colonel de Jonquières.
En face, la division de dragons français du général Trelliard aligne deux brigades : la première, commandée par le colonel Marie Antoine de Reiset, comprend les 13e et 18e régiments de dragons ; les 19e et 22e dragons forment la seconde, sous le colonel Rozat de Mandres. Cette division est renforcée par les 200 dragons italiens Napoleone du colonel Schiazzetti et par une compagnie des lanciers de Berg.
Général de division Anne-François-Charles Trelliard, commandant en chef — 11 escadrons + 1 compagnie, 1 416 hommes
Brigadier-général Benjamin D’Urban, commandant en chef — 11 escadrons + 1 bataillon + 6 canons, 1 975 hommes
Vers la fin de l’après-midi, la division Trelliard reparaît donc sur la route de Boadilla et se déploie devant Majadahonda. Son retour surprend D’Urban, qui déploie en hâte ses escadrons tandis que quatre canons anglais sous Macdonald se mettent en batterie, protégés par les Portugais et un peloton de dragons lourds commandé par le lieutenant Kuhls. Alors que les cavaliers français se font menaçants, D’Urban fait face et tente de charger avec ses dragons ; mais ces derniers, au lieu d’attaquer, s’enfuient en désordre et abandonnent leurs officiers au milieu des assaillants. Le général D’Urban réussit à s’échapper, mais les lieutenants-colonels Barbacena et Tuxeira sont faits prisonniers. Les dragons Napoleone obliquent sur la batterie, détruisent à moitié le détachement de dragons britanniques et s’emparent de trois bouches à feu. Le capitaine Dyneley, qui commande l’artillerie à ce moment, est fait prisonnier par un officier italien. Exploitant son succès, la division Trelliard poursuit l’ennemi jusqu’à Las Rozas.
Pendant ce temps, à Las Rozas, les soldats de la King’s German Legion ont installé leur bivouac. Le colonel de Jonquières reçoit plusieurs estafettes envoyées par le lieutenant Kuhls, l’informant que la cavalerie française a attaqué Majadahonda. Cependant, de Jonquières n’envisage pas l’éventualité d’un assaut contre ses cavaliers et ne prend aucune précaution. De fait, lorsque les dragons de Trelliard débouchent dans le village, la brigade lourde allemande est complètement surprise : la plupart des soldats sont en chemise, et les chevaux sont dessellés. Les tirs du 1st Light Battalion de la KGL ralentissent quelque peu la progression française, mais les fantassins britanniques sont refoulés à l’intérieur du village, de même que les cavaliers venus les soutenir. La cavalerie française atteint même les bagages ennemis, mais elle est alors stoppée dans son élan par le gros du bataillon léger allemand et évacue les lieux, pour se réorganiser dans la plaine en arrière de Las Rozas. L’orage ainsi passé, la brigade de Jonquières se positionne à l’entrée de la place et profite du ralliement des Portugais de D’Urban.
Poussés à l’action par une bravade du colonel de Jonquières — « Avancez, Messieurs les Français, n’ayez pas peur ! » —, les dragons français de Reiset marchent à l’ennemi, ce qui suffit à faire fuir les Portugais. La brigade Reiset, exténuée par les combats précédents, décroche et laisse à la brigade Rozat et aux dragons italiens de Schiazzetti le soin de mener la charge. L’affrontement commence. Les Français reculent peu à peu face aux dragons lourds de la KGL. Trelliard engage alors sa réserve, deux escadrons, face aux Britanniques qui n’en ont pas. « Nous étions si serrés qu’à peine l’on pouvait faire usage de ses armes » raconte un sous-lieutenant du 22e dragons. Les Anglais sont bousculés et le colonel de Jonquières, leur chef, est capturé. De nouveau, les vaincus se retirent vers Las Rozas, où le bataillon d’infanterie légère de la KGL s’est retranché. Incapable d’enlever seul la position, informé de l’approche des renforts britanniques, Trelliard quitte le champ de bataille sans être inquiété, « prenant le temps de faire brûler les affûts des canons ».
Au terme des combats, les pertes françaises se montent entre 100 et 120 hommes, dont un officier tué et 15 autres blessés. Le 13e régiment de dragons déplore la perte du chef d’escadron Maurouard, tué, et de six autres officiers blessés dont le colonel de Reiset. La brigade Rozat de Mandres a laissé sur le terrain six tués et 28 blessés ; le colonel Schiazzetti admet quant à lui un total de 10 hommes hors de combat pour son régiment de dragons italiens, incluant le lieutenant Araldi blessé.
Les Anglo-Portugais, de leur côté, dénombrent 53 tués, 98 blessés et 45 prisonniers, pour un total de 196 pertes. La brigade portugaise de D’Urban compte à elle seule 108 cavaliers hors de combat, dont 23 prisonniers parmi lesquels le lieutenant-colonel Tuxeira Lobo. La prise de la batterie de la Royal Horse Artillery a coûté à cette dernière trois canons, 12 artilleurs tués ou blessés ainsi que 15 hommes captifs – dont le capitaine Dyneley. La brigade des Heavy Dragoons de la King’s German Legion a enregistré 14 tués, 40 blessés et 7 prisonniers, dont le colonel de Jonquières. Le 1st Light Battalion de la KGL semble n’avoir subi aucune perte, ce qui est contredit par Digby Smith qui fait état de sept blessés.
La bravoure déployée par les deux régiments de dragons lourds est reconnue par le duc de Wellington

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, qui leur accorde l’honneur d’entrer les premiers dans Madrid le lendemain. Le comportement des régiments portugais, ceux-là même qui se sont illustrés quelque temps plus tôt à la bataille des Arapiles, est en revanche sévèrement critiqué. Le général D’Urban, leur commandant, écrit à ce propos le lendemain du combat :
« À Salamanque, ils m’ont suivi dans les lignes ennemies comme l’ont fait les dragons britanniques; hier, ils ont si peu accompli leur devoir que, au cours de la première charge, ils sont allés juste assez loin pour m’abandonner au milieu des rangs de l’ennemi. Lors de la seconde (après les avoir rallié), malgré mes efforts les plus téméraires, je n’ai pas pu les amener à moins de 20 mètres de l’ennemi – ils m’ont laissé seul, et ont disparu avant les casques français comme les feuilles avant le vent d’automne. »
Le général Beresford, le commandant en chef de l’armée portugaise, souhaite en conséquence administrer une punition magistrale à sa cavalerie pour sa contre-performance à Majadahonda, mais Wellington l’en empêche

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, « car, même mauvaise, il avait besoin de la cavalerie portugaise ». Le général en chef britannique n’en est pas moins mécontent de ce revers, y perdant les trois seuls canons de toute sa carrière, ce qui l’incite à dire à propos du combat : « A Devil of An Affair! »,[trad 1].
 : document utilisé comme source pour la rédaction de cet article.

Jean-Baptiste Salme

Jean-Baptiste Salme or Salm (18 November 1766 – 27 May 1811) led French troops in several actions during the French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars. Several times he landed in trouble by associating with the wrong people, including his wife who tried to kill him. He served alongside Jacques MacDonald when they were both generals of brigade in the Flanders Campaign in 1794. Still commanding only a brigade he served in MacDonald’s army in Italy during 1799 and in Spain during 1810.
In 1784 he joined a dragoon regiment in the French Royal Army in 1784. He emerged as the commanding officer of the 3rd Infantry Demi-brigade in the Army of the Rhine in 1793. He led his unit at Haguenau and Second Wissembourg. In 1794 he transferred to northeast France and was promoted to general officer, subsequently fighting at Tourcoing, Tournay and Hooglede. After besieging and capturing the fortress of Grave he was on occupation duty in Belgium and Holland.
Salme’s friendship with the traitor Jean-Charles Pichegru caused him to be unemployed for over a year. He served in Italy in 1798 and led the army advance guard at the Trebbia in 1799 where he was wounded and captured by the Austrians

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. In 1802 he went on the Saint-Domingue expedition to Haiti but was sent home early, possibly for having a sexual liaison with Pauline Bonaparte. Then his wife tried to poison him and he was retired from the army. In 1809 he briefly led a second-line outfit in the Walcheren Campaign. The following year he was given a brigade and served in Catalonia. He was killed in action during the Siege of Tarragona in 1811. His surname is one of the names inscribed under the Arc de Triomphe, on Column 38.

Salme was born on 18 November 1766 in Aillianville to father Jean Baptiste Salme and mother Marie Jeanne Vignon. The godparents at the baptism were Nicolas Salme and Marie Gérard, the paternal grandfather and his second wife. Salme’s father was a laborer and later became a timber merchant in 1784. Jean-Baptiste père was accused of misappropriating civic funds in 1789. The father’s membership in the bourgeoisie may have aroused suspicion, causing him some trouble in May 1793, but he went on to become mayor in 1807. Jean Baptiste fils was well-educated by his uncle Gaspard who was a parish priest.
Against his parents’ wishes, Salme ran off and enlisted in the Tribois company of the Noailles Dragoon Regiment on 16 April 1784. The unit’s commander was Philippe Louis de Noailles and its garrison town was Épinal. The youthful dragoon was described as five feet four inches tall with light brown hair. He was round-faced and had a smallpox scar on his nose. He remained a simple private during his early military career, serving in garrison at Toulouse and Carcassonne in 1788 and Montauban in 1790. His father finally persuaded him that there was no future for him in the army and he left the service on 12 January 1791.
On 9 July 1791 a law provided for the formation of volunteer battalions and Salme joined the 1st Battalion of the Vosges National Guard at Neufchâteau. Recognizing his former service as a dragoon, the old soldier who commanded the battalion made him a sergeant. Salme so enthusiastically participated in the training of the battalion while it was cantoned at Saverne that he was promoted to sous-lieutenant on 15 April 1792. He was married the next day to Jeanne Henriette Masse. War broke out on 20 April and the battalion was ordered to the front on 19 July. Salme was involved in operations around the Prussian siege of Longwy, being wounded at Rülzheim on 3 August 1792. The 1st Vosges Battalion was present at the capture of Speyer on 30 September when Adam Philippe, Comte de Custine’s 24,000-man Army of the Rhine trapped 3,600 Imperial troops in a bend of the Rhine River. In the spring of 1793 the 1st Vosges was in Jean Nicolas Houchard’s 1st Brigade of Joseph Victorin Nevinger’s Left Wing near Bingen am Rhein. On 14 September 1793 Salme greatly distinguished himself in an action at Nothweiler in which he was wounded.
On 7 October 1793 Salme was named lieutenant colonel of the 15th Vosges Battalion, a unit of raw and undisciplined conscripts. Soon after, he was appointed to lead the 3rd Line Infantry Demi-brigade as Chef de brigade (colonel) on 28 October. On 30 October the 3rd Line belonged to the army’s Center which was led by Louis Dominique Munnier. During the subsequent Battle of Haguenau, Salme seized Bettenhoffen from the Austrians on 1 December and fought at Berstheim, winning commendation from army commander Jean-Charles Pichegru. On 18 December his unit fought Austrian hussars and he was wounded in the arm by a saber-cut. Nevertheless, he led his regiment in the Second Battle of Wissembourg on 26 December 1793.
Pichegru was nominated commander of the Army of the North on 6 January 1794, succeeding Jean-Baptiste Jourdan who was dismissed on 19 January. On 8 February Pichegru arrived at army headquarters to take over from the acting commander Jacques Ferrand. Salme was promoted to general of brigade on 30 March 1794. He had become friends with Pichegru who employed him with the Army of the North. Salme took charge of a brigade in Jacques Philippe Bonnaud’s division which fought at the Battle of Tourcoing on 18 May and at the Battle of Tournay on 22 May. For the operations covering the Siege of Ypres Salme’s brigade formed part of Éloi Laurent Despeaux’s division. When Jean Victor Marie Moreau’s troops invested Ypres on 1 June, the divisions of Despeaux on the right, Joseph Souham in the center and Pierre Antoine Michaud on the left provided the screening force. On 10 June the three screening divisions drove a Coalition corps under François Sébastien Charles Joseph de Croix, Count of Clerfayt from Roeselare (Roulers) after a stiff battle. At 7:00 am on the 13th Clerfayt launched a surprise attack on Despeaux’s division, routing Philippe Joseph Malbrancq’s brigade and pushing Salme’s brigade back toward Menen. The next brigade in line, Jacques MacDonald’s of Souham’s division resisted Clerfayt’s attacks at Hooglede for six hours. At that time, Jan de Winter’s brigade arrived to support MacDonald’s left and Salme’s rallied soldiers moved forward on his right. The tired Coalition soldiers withdrew and Ypres fell on 18 June

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Salme was seriously wounded and his horse killed under him on 13 July at Mechelen (Malines) while fighting along the Leuven Canal. He received credit for the seizure of the town. On 1 September Despeaux’s 4th Division consisted of three battalions each of the 38th and 131st Line Infantry Demi-brigades, 3rd Battalion of Tirailleurs, 5th Battalion of Chasseurs, four squadrons of the 19th Cavalry and two squadrons of the 13th Chasseurs à Cheval. Salme replaced Despeaux in command of the division on 20 September. He was ordered to invest the fortress of Grave which his division did on 17 October. Evidently siege artillery was not immediately available because cannons did not start firing at Grave’s defenses until 1 December. Salme besieged the place with 3,000 soldiers. The 1,500 Dutch defenders were led by General-major de Bons and included the 2nd Battalion of the Waldeck Infantry Regiment, four companies of the Swiss May Regiment, the depot company of the Hessen-Darmstadt Regiment, 100 men from two Jäger detachments and 100 gunners. Bons surrendered the 160-gun fortress on 29 December after his garrison sustained 16 casualties and eight desertions. Salme reported only 13 casualties.
During the winter of 1794–95 Salme was involved in the invasion of the Dutch Republic. After his troops captured Utrecht on 17 January 1795, Pichegru assigned him the administration of Amsterdam. Without unduly antagonizing the city’s inhabitants, Salme was able to provide his soldiers with new uniforms and ample food. Next he was ordered to occupy Overijssel province. He helped clear the British forces out of Friesland and Groningen provinces, winning the approval of Souham. Later that year he seems to have served in the Rhine Campaign of 1795 because he was in action at Altenkirchen and became friends with Jean Baptiste Kléber. Meanwhile, government agents stirred up trouble in Belgium with anticlerical activities and other abuses. In June 1796 Salme was assigned to a cavalry command in order to put down rebellions by unhappy Belgians. After running afoul of the French civil authorities of Brussels and the Department of the Dyle, he was recalled by the French Directory on 12 February 1797.
In April 1797, the commander of the Army of Sambre-et-Meuse, Lazare Hoche named Salme to command a dragoon brigade in Louis Klein’s division. The Coup of 18 Fructidor occurred on 4 September 1797 when the Royalist faction was overthrown by force. The treason of Pichegru came to light at this time and he was exiled from France. Because of his well-known friendship with the traitor, Salme was denounced by Hoche as “Pichegru’s vile spy” and dismissed from the army. After over a year of forced retirement, he secured a post with the Army of Egypt on 9 November 1798 due to the intervention of Kléber. However, Salme missed the sailing at Ancona and instead joined the Army of Rome under Jean Étienne Championnet. At that time Guillaume Philibert Duhesme’s division of 3,000–4,000 men was near Ancona. In the face of an attack by the Neapolitan army, Championnet evacuated Rome on 27 November. However, the Neapolitan army quickly unraveled and the French recaptured Rome on 15 December and seized Naples itself on 23 January 1799

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. Soon after, Championnet got into a dispute with French government agents, was removed from command on 28 February and placed under arrest. MacDonald replaced him as commander of the army.
In view of the French defeats in northern Italy, MacDonald was instructed to garrison central and southern Italy and come north by forced marches with the Army of Naples. The order arrived on 14 April 1799 and MacDonald began his move north on 7 May. MacDonald named Salme to lead the 2,997-man army Advance Guard which was made up of the 15th Light (1,390 men) and 11th Line (1,440 men) Infantry Demi-brigades, 94 troopers from the 25th Chasseurs à Cheval and 53 gunners and sappers. At 8:00 am on 17 June 1799, MacDonald opened the Battle of Trebbia by sending 18,700 soldiers from the divisions of Claude Perrin Victor, Jean-Baptiste Dominique Rusca and Jean Henri Dombrowski plus Salme’s Advance Guard into action. At first the French pressed back the Austrians of Peter Karl Ott von Bátorkéz but reinforcements began to arrive until the Coalition commander Alexander Suvorov had 30,656 Austrians and Russians on the field. MacDonald had been wounded at the Battle of Modena and delegated Victor to direct the assault. But Victor never took charge of the troops that day and the French fought without a guiding hand. Late in the day, Salme’s Advance Guard covered the retreat of the three French divisions behind the Tidone River.
Salme’s troops were only Frenchmen that remained east of the Trebbia River. On 18 June MacDonald waited for his three missing divisions to arrive on the battlefield. Meanwhile, Suvorov planned to launch a powerful stroke with his right wing but was unable to get his columns moving. It was so quiet that Salme asked permission to go into Piacenza. The Coalition assault began at 4:00 pm and struck Salme first. He was ordered to retreat as soon as the enemy applied pressure but instead he stood his ground. Salme was wounded and so was his successor Jean Sarrazin. Finally Louis Joseph Lahure took command and withdrew the Advance Guard behind the Trebbia, but not without some confusion. When the Army of Naples retreated on 20 June it left behind wounded generals Salme, Rusca and Jean-Baptiste Olivier. Salme was held a prisoner by the Austrians until the Treaty of Lunéville in March 1801.
Salme went on the Saint-Domingue expedition arriving in Hispaniola on 5 February 1802. He was assigned to command the 13th Brigade in Jean Hardy’s division. The expedition commander Charles Leclerc immediately organized a sweep to round up Haitian forces led by Toussaint Louverture. During the operation, Hardy took Salme’s brigade on an all-night march to surprise a Haitian base at Bayonnais. Much of Haiti was brought under French control but large Haitian forces escaped and Hardy’s division returned to Cap-Français. Leclerc promoted Salme general of division on 15 May 1802 and immediately set him back to France for reasons which remain unclear. The possibilities are that he was sick, that he was harshly critical of restoring slavery in Hispaniola, that he was dealing in the black market and, finally, that he had become the lover of Pauline Bonaparte, Leclerc’s wife. In any case he was directed to report on the condition of the army when he got back to France. That year Leclerc and Hardy and most of the army perished from yellow fever.
On 16 October 1802 Salme was placed in inactive status and given an annual pension of 5,000 francs. On 26 August 1803 he was retired with a pension of 2,500 francs. He took up residence in Drusenheim on a property co-owned by his father-in-law. His wife Jeanne Henriette tried to poison him but a loyal servant warned him in time and the only fatality was his dog. He moved to the market square of Neufchâteau and went into business with another man as manufacturers of starch. Because of his association with Moreau the police had him under surveillance in June 1804. He sent many letters to the War Ministry asking to be employed but he was ignored even though he had the sympathy of Pierre de Ruel, marquis de Beurnonville. Much of his time was taken up by a property dispute with his wife. On 8 August 1809 he was given command of a brigade of National Guards and served in the Walcheren Campaign. Though he performed his duties properly, he was sent home on 29 September 1809.
Souham was home from the Peninsular War with a wound and Salme asked that general to get him a combat posting. On 16 April 1810 he was appointed to the VII Corps also known as the Army of Catalonia. At that time Louis-Gabriel Suchet was getting ready to besiege Tortosa with his III Corps. MacDonald’s VII Corps was supposed to support Suchet’s operation by threatening Tarragona in August 1810. On 14 September, the Spanish under Henry O’Donnell wiped out one of MacDonald’s brigades in a successful raid at the Battle of La Bisbal well to the north. As the Spanish column, without O’Donnell who had been wounded, passed near MacDonald the French general moved against it. On 21 October 1810, an Italian brigade under Francesco Orsatelli Eugenio supported by a French brigade under Salme attacked the Spanish position at Cardona. Eugenio’s reckless initial assault was repulsed with 100 casualties and MacDonald withdrew.
Emperor Napoleon directed Suchet to capture the port city of Tarragona and promised that general that he would find his marshal’s baton inside its walls. Unhappy with the operations of MacDonald, the emperor boosted Suchet’s army from 26,000 to 43,000 troops by transferring soldiers from MacDonald’s VII Corps in March 1811. After detaching 20 battalions as garrisons and observation forces, Suchet assembled 29 battalions for his siege force. These were grouped into infantry divisions under Jean Isidore Harispe, Bernard-Georges-François Frère and Pierre-Joseph Habert and 1,400 cavalry led by André Joseph Boussart. There were also 2,000 gunners and 750 engineers and sappers attached to the army. Harispe and Frère marched from Lleida (Lérida) while Habert moved from Tortosa along the coast with the siege train. Harispe’s division occupied Montblanc on 29 April 1811 and Reus on 2 May. Leading the inland column, Salme’s advanced guard pushed the Spanish outposts behind the Francolí River on 3 May. Salme became a member of the Légion d’Honneur on 7 May 1811.
North of Tarragona lay Monte Olivo which overlooked the lower town. Atop the feature, the Spanish defenders built the powerful Fort Olivo, protected by a ditch carved into solid rock and defended by 1,000 soldiers. Suchet and his engineers determined to start the Siege of Tarragona from the west side, but first they needed to capture Fort Olivo from which the Spanish could take the siege trenches under a crossfire. Suchet arranged his divisions with Habert on the right at the coast, Frère in the center straddling the Francolí and Harispe on the left. In Harispe’s division Salme’s French brigade faced Fort Olivo while the two Italian brigades reached around to touch the coast east of Tarragona. Harispe’s division included three battalions each of the 7th and 16th Line Infantry Regiments and eight Italian battalions. On 13 May the French captured two small fortifications in front of Fort Olivo and beat back a three-battalion counterattack by the Spanish the next day. Because the main attack from the west was delayed, Suchet decided to concentrate a vigorous effort against Fort Olivo beginning on 23 May. Over the next few days batteries before the fort were armed with 13 cannons which began to inflict serious damage on it. On the night of 27 May, as French soldiers dragged four 24-pound cannons into battery, they were blasted by Spanish fire which caused numerous casualties. At this moment, the defenders mounted a sortie from Fort Olivo. Watching the proceedings carefully, Salme called out to his reserves, “Brave 7th forward!” He was struck in the head by a musket ball and killed instantly. The men rushed past him and repulsed the Spanish attack. Fort Olivo fell on the night of the 29th with heavy losses to the defenders.
Salme was buried under a nearby aqueduct, the Pont de les Ferreres, and his embalmed heart was placed in the Tower of the Scipios along the road to Barcelona. After the French captured Tarragona they changed the name of Fort Olivo to Fort Salme. Since Salme had no children and was in the process of divorcing his wife, his financial assets were distributed among his brothers and sisters. Napoleon granted his father a 1,000 franc per year annuity. SALM is engraved on the west side of the Arc de Triomphe.

Malacoherpesviridae

Malacoherpesviridae is a family of DNA viruses in the order Herpesvirales. Molluscs serve as natural hosts. There are currently only two species in this family

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, divided among 2 genera. Diseases associated with this family include: sporadic episodes of high mortality among larvae and juveniles. The family name Malacoherpesviridae is derived from Greek word ‘μαλακός (malacos) meaning ‘soft’ and from Greek word ‘μαλάκιον (malakion) meaning ‘mollusc.

Group: dsDNA

Within this family, only two species have been described: Ostreid herpesvirus 1 in 2009 and Haliotid herpesvirus 1 in 2010.
Acute viral necrosis virus, which affects scallops such as Chlamys farreri

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, appears to be a variant of ostreid herpesvirus 1.
Viruses in Malacoherpesviridae are enveloped, with icosahedral and Spherical to pleomorphic geometries, and T=16 symmetry. The diameter is around 150-200 nm. Genomes are linear and non-segmented, around 134kb in length.
Viral replication is nuclear, and is lysogenic. Entry into the host cell is achieved by attachment of the viral glycoproteins to host receptors, which mediates endocytosis. DNA templated transcription is the method of transcription. Molluscs serve as the natural host. Malacoherpesviridae may have the ability to infect across species

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, a feature not typically observed in vertebrate herpesviruses. This ability appears to be restricted to related mollusc species.
This article incorporates CC-BY-2.0 text from the reference

Battle of the Wilderness

The Battle of the Wilderness, fought May 5–7

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, 1864, was the first battle of Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s 1864 Virginia Overland Campaign against Gen. Robert E. Lee and the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia in the American Civil War. Both armies suffered heavy casualties, a harbinger of a bloody war of attrition by Grant against Lee’s army and, eventually, the Confederate capital, Richmond, Virginia. The battle was tactically inconclusive, as Grant disengaged and continued his offensive.
Grant attempted to move quickly through the dense underbrush of the Wilderness of Spotsylvania, but Lee launched two of his corps on parallel roads to intercept him. On the morning of May 5, the Union V Corps under Maj. Gen. Gouverneur K. Warren attacked the Confederate Second Corps, commanded by Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell, on the Orange Turnpike. That afternoon the Third Corps, commanded by Lt. Gen. A.P. Hill, encountered Brig. Gen. George W

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. Getty’s division (VI Corps) and Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps on the Orange Plank Road. Fighting until dark was fierce but inconclusive as both sides attempted to maneuver in the dense woods.
At dawn on May 6, Hancock attacked along the Plank Road, driving Hill’s Corps back in confusion, but the First Corps of Lt. Gen. James Longstreet arrived in time to prevent the collapse of the Confederate right flank. Longstreet followed up with a surprise flanking attack from an unfinished railroad bed that drove Hancock’s men back to the Brock Road, but the momentum was lost when Longstreet was wounded by his own men. An evening attack by Brig. Gen. John B. Gordon against the Union right flank caused consternation at Union headquarters, but the lines stabilized and fighting ceased. On May 7, Grant disengaged and moved to the southeast, intending to leave the Wilderness to interpose his army between Lee and Richmond, leading to the bloody Battle of Spotsylvania Court House.

In March 1864, Grant was summoned from the Western Theater, promoted to lieutenant general, and given command of all Union armies. He chose to make his headquarters with the Army of the Potomac, although Meade retained formal command of that army. Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman succeeded Grant in command of most of the western armies. Grant, President Abraham Lincoln, and Secretary of War Edwin Stanton devised a coordinated strategy that would strike at the heart of the Confederacy from multiple directions, including attacks against Lee near Richmond, Virginia, and in the Shenandoah Valley, West Virginia, Georgia, and Mobile, Alabama. This was the first time the Union armies would have a coordinated offensive strategy across a number of theaters.
Grant’s campaign objective was not the Confederate capital of Richmond, but the destruction of Lee’s army. Lincoln had long advocated this strategy for his generals, recognizing that the city would certainly fall after the loss of its principal defensive army. Grant ordered Meade, “Wherever Lee goes, there you will go also.” Although he hoped for a quick, decisive battle, Grant was prepared to fight a war of attrition. Both Union and Confederate casualties could be high, but the Union had greater resources to replace lost soldiers and equipment.
At the beginning of the campaign, Grant’s Union forces totaled 118,700 men and 316 guns. They consisted of the Army of the Potomac, under Maj. Gen. George G. Meade, and the IX Corps (until May 24 formally part of the Army of the Ohio, reporting directly to Grant, not Meade). The five corps were:
Lee’s Confederate Army of Northern Virginia comprised about 64,000 men and 274 guns and was organized into four corps:
On May 4, 1864, the Army of the Potomac crossed the Rapidan River at three separate points and converged on the Wilderness Tavern, near the edge of the Wilderness of Spotsylvania, an area of more than 70 sq mi (181 km2) of Spotsylvania County and Orange County in central Virginia. Early settlers in the area had cut down the native forests to fuel blast furnaces that processed the iron ore found there, leaving only a secondary growth of dense shrubs. This rough terrain, which was virtually unsettled, was nearly impenetrable to 19th-century infantry and artillery maneuvers. A number of battles were fought in the vicinity between 1862 and 1864, including the bloody Battle of Chancellorsville in May 1863. The Wilderness had been the concentration point for the Confederates one year earlier when Stonewall Jackson launched his devastating attack on the Union right flank at Chancellorsville. But Grant chose to set up his camps to the west of the old battle site before moving southward; unlike the Union army of a year before, Grant had no desire to fight in the Wilderness, desiring to move to the open ground to the south and east of the Wilderness before fighting Lee, taking advantage of his superior numbers and artillery.
Grant’s plan was for the V Corps (Warren) and VI Corps (Sedgwick) to cross the Rapidan at Germanna Ford, followed by the IX Corps (Burnside) after the supply trains had crossed at various fords, and to camp near Wilderness Tavern. The II Corps (Hancock) would cross to the east on Ely’s Ford and advance to Spotsylvania Court House by way of Chancellorsville and Todd’s Tavern. Speed was of the essence to the plan because the army was vulnerably stretched thin as it moved. Although Grant insisted that the army travel light with minimal artillery and supplies, its logistical “tail” was almost 70 miles. Sylvanus Cadwallader, a journalist with the Army of the Potomac, estimated that Meade’s supply trains alone—which included 4,300 wagons, 835 ambulances, and a herd of cattle for slaughter—if using a single road would reach from the Rapidan to below Richmond. Grant gambled that Meade could move his army quickly enough to avoid being ensnared in the Wilderness, but Meade recommended that they camp overnight to allow the wagon train to catch up. Grant also miscalculated when he assumed that Lee was incapable of intercepting the Union army at its most vulnerable point, and Meade had not provided adequate cavalry coverage to warn of a Confederate movement from the west.
On May 2, Lee met with his generals on Clark Mountain, obtaining a panoramic view of the enemy camps. He realized that Grant was getting ready to attack, but did not know the precise route of advance. He correctly predicted that Grant would cross to the east of the Confederate fortifications on the Rapidan, using the Germanna and Ely Fords, but he could not be certain. To retain flexibility of response, Lee had dispersed his Army over a wide area. Longstreet’s First Corps was around Gordonsville, from where they had the flexibility to respond by railroad to potential threats to the Shenandoah Valley or to Richmond. Lee’s headquarters and Hill’s Third Corps were outside Orange Court House. Ewell’s Second Corps was the closest to the Wilderness, at Morton’s Ford.
[In the Wilderness] numbers meant little—in fact, they were frequently an encumbrance on the narrow trails. Visibility was limited, making it extremely difficult for officers to exercise effective control. Attackers could only thrash noisily and blindly forward through the underbrush, perfect targets for the concealed defenders. In attack or retreat, formations could rarely be maintained. In this near-jungle, the Confederates had the advantages of being, on the whole, better woodsmen than their opponents and of being far more familiar with the terrain. Federal commanders were forced to rely upon maps, which soon proved thoroughly unreliable.
As Grant’s plan became clear to Lee on May 4, Lee knew that it was imperative to fight in the Wilderness for the same reason as the year before: his army was massively outnumbered, with approximately 65,000 men to Grant’s 120,000, and his artillery’s guns were fewer than and inferior to those of Grant’s. Fighting in the tangled woods would eliminate Grant’s advantage in artillery, and the close quarters and ensuing confusion there could give Lee’s outnumbered force better odds. He therefore ordered his army to intercept the advancing Federals in the Wilderness. Ewell marched east on the Orange Court House Turnpike, reaching Robertson’s Tavern, where they camped about 3–5 miles from the unsuspecting soldiers in Warren’s corps. Hill used the Orange Plank Road and stopped at the hamlet of New Verdiersville. These two corps could pin the Union troops in place (they had been ordered to avoid a general engagement until the entire army could be united), fighting outnumbered for at least a day while Longstreet approached from the southwest for a blow against the enemy’s flank, similar to Jackson’s at Chancellorsville.
The thick underbrush prevented the Union Army from recognizing the proximity of the Confederates. Adding to the confusion, Meade received an erroneous report that the Confederate cavalry under J.E.B. Stuart was operating in his Army’s rear, in the direction of Fredericksburg. He ordered the bulk of his cavalry to move east to deal with that perceived threat, leaving his army blind. But he assumed that the corps of Sedgwick, Warren, and Hancock could hold back any potential Confederate advance until the supply trains came up, at which time Grant could move forward to engage in a major battle with Lee, presumably at Mine Run.
Early on May 5, Warren’s V Corps was advancing over farm lanes toward the Plank Road when Ewell’s Corps appeared in the west. Grant was notified of the encounter and instructed “If any opportunity presents itself of pitching into a part of Lee’s army, do so without giving time for disposition.” Meade halted his army and directed Warren to attack, assuming that the Confederates were a small, isolated group and not an entire infantry corps. Ewell’s men erected earthworks on the western end of the clearing known as Saunders Field. Warren approached on the eastern end with the division of Brig. Gen. Charles Griffin on the right and the division of Brig. Gen

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. James S. Wadsworth on the left, but he hesitated to attack because the Confederate position extended beyond Griffin’s right, which would mean that they would be subjected to enfilade fire. He requested a delay from Meade so that Sedgwick’s VI Corps could be brought in on his right and extend his line. By 1 p.m., Meade was frustrated by the delay and ordered Warren to attack before Sedgwick could arrive.
Warren was correct to be concerned about his right flank. As the Union men advanced, Brig. Gen. Romeyn B. Ayres’s brigade had to take cover in a gully to avoid the enfilading fire. The brigade of Brig. Gen. Joseph J. Bartlett made better progress to Ayres’s left and overran the position of Brig. Gen. John M. Jones, who was killed. However, since Ayres’s men were unable to advance, Bartlett’s right flank was now exposed to attack and his brigade was forced to flee back across the clearing. Bartlett’s horse was shot out from under him and he barely escaped capture.
To the left of Bartlett, the Iron Brigade, commanded by Brig. Gen. Lysander Cutler, advanced through woods south of the field and struck a brigade of Alabamians commanded by Brig. Gen. Cullen A. Battle. Although initially pushed back, the Confederates counterattacked with the brigade of Brig. Gen. John B. Gordon, tearing through the line and forcing the Iron Brigade to flee for the first time in its history.
I saw many wounded soldiers in the Wilderness who hung on to their rifles, and whose intention was clearly stamped on their pallid faces. I saw one man, both of whose legs were broken, lying on the ground with his cocked rifle by his side and his ramrod in his hand, and his eyes set on the front. I knew he meant to kill himself in case of fire—knew it as surely as though I could read his thoughts.
Further to the left, near the Higgerson farm, the brigades of Col. Roy Stone and Brig. Gen. James C. Rice attacked the brigades of Brig. Gen. George P. Doles’s Georgians and Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel’s North Carolinians. Both attacks failed under heavy fire and Crawford ordered his men to pull back. Warren ordered an artillery section into Saunders Field to support his attack, but it was captured by Confederate soldiers, who were pinned down and prevented by rifle fire from moving the guns until darkness. In the midst of hand-to-hand combat at the guns, the field caught fire and men from both sides were shocked as their wounded comrades burned to death.
The lead elements of Sedgwick’s VI Corps reached Saunders Field at 3 p.m., by which time Warren’s men had ceased fighting. Sedgwick attacked Ewell’s line in the woods north of the Turnpike and both sides traded attacks and counterattacks that lasted about an hour before each disengaged to erect earthworks. During the fray, Confederate Brig. Gen. Leroy A. Stafford was shot through the shoulder blade, the bullet severing his spine. Despite being paralyzed from the waist down and in agonizing pain, he managed to still urge his troops forward.
Unable to duplicate the surprise that was achieved by Ewell on the Turnpike, A.P. Hill’s approach was detected by Brig. Gen. Samuel W. Crawford’s men from their position at the Chewning farm, and Meade ordered the VI Corps division of Brig. Gen. George W. Getty to defend the important intersection of the Orange Plank Road and the Brock Road. Union cavalry under Brig. Gen. James H. Wilson, employing repeating carbines, succeeded in briefly delaying Hill’s approach. Getty’s men arrived just before Hill’s and the two forces skirmished briefly, ending with Hill’s men withdrawing a few hundred yards west of the intersection. A mile to the rear, Lee established his headquarters at the Widow Tapp’s farm. Lee, Jeb Stuart, and Hill were meeting there when they were surprised by a party of Union soldiers entering the clearing. The three generals ran for safety and the Union men, who were equally surprised by the encounter, returned to the woods, unaware of how close they had come to changing the course of history. Meade sent orders to Hancock directing him to move his II Corps north to come to Getty’s assistance.
By 4 p.m., initial elements of Hancock’s corps were arriving and Meade ordered Getty to assault the Confederate line. As the Union men approached the position of Maj. Gen. Henry Heth, they were pinned down by fire from a shallow ridge to their front. As each II Corps division arrived, Hancock sent it forward to assist, bringing enough combat power to bear that Lee was forced to commit his reserves, the division commanded by Maj. Gen. Cadmus M. Wilcox. Fierce fighting continued until nightfall with neither side gaining an advantage.
Grant’s plan for the following day assumed that Hill’s Corps was essentially spent and was a prime target. He ordered an early morning assault down the Orange Plank Road by the II Corps and Getty’s division. At the same time, the V and VI Corps were to resume assaults against Ewell’s position on the Turnpike, preventing him from coming to Hill’s aid, and Burnside’s IX Corps was to move through the area between the Turnpike and the Plank Road and get into Hill’s rear. If successful, Hill’s Corps would be destroyed and then the full weight of the army could follow up and deal with Ewell’s.
Although he was aware of the precarious situation on the Plank Road, rather than reorganizing his line, Lee chose to allow Hill’s men to rest, assuming that Longstreet’s Corps, now only 10 miles from the battlefield, would arrive in time to reinforce Hill before dawn. When that occurred, he planned to shift Hill to the left to cover some of the open ground between his divided forces. Longstreet calculated that he had sufficient time to allow his men, tired from marching all day, to rest and the First Corps did not resume marching until after midnight. Moving cross-country in the dark, they made slow progress and lost their way at times, and by sunrise had not reached their designated position.
Like a fine lady at a party, Longstreet was often late in his arrival at the ball. But he always made a sensation and that of delight, when he got in, with the grand old First Corps sweeping behind him as his train.
As planned, Hancock’s II Corps attacked Hill at 5 a.m., overwhelming the Third Corps with the divisions of Wadsworth, Birney, and Mott; Getty and Gibbon were in support. Ewell’s men on the Turnpike had actually attacked first, at 4:45 a.m., but continued to be pinned down by attacks from Sedgwick’s and Warren’s corps and could not be relied upon for assistance. Lt. Col. William T. Poague’s 16 guns at the Widow Tapp farm fired canister tirelessly, but could not stem the tide and Confederate soldiers streamed toward the rear. Before a total collapse, however, reinforcements arrived at 6 a.m., Brig. Gen. John Gregg’s 800-man Texas Brigade

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, the vanguard of Longstreet’s column. General Lee, relieved and excited, waved his hat over his head and shouted, “Texans always move them!” Caught up in the excitement, Lee began to move forward with the advancing brigade. As the Texans realized this, they halted and grabbed the reins of Lee’s horse, Traveller, telling the general that they were concerned for his safety and would only go forward if he moved to a less exposed location. Longstreet was able to convince Lee that he had matters well in hand and the commanding general relented.
Longstreet counterattacked with the divisions of Maj. Gen. Charles W. Field on the left and Brig. Gen. Joseph B. Kershaw on the right. The Union troops, somewhat disorganized from their assault earlier that morning, could not resist and fell back a few hundred yards from the Widow Tapp farm. The Texans leading the charge north of the road fought gallantly at a heavy price—only 250 of the 800 men emerged unscathed. At 10 a.m., Longstreet’s chief engineer reported that he had explored an unfinished railroad bed south of the Plank Road and that it offered easy access to the Union left flank. Longstreet assigned his aide, Lt. Col. Moxley Sorrel, to the task of leading four fresh brigades along the railroad bed for a surprise attack. Sorrel and the senior brigade commander, Brig. Gen. William Mahone, struck at 11 a.m. Hancock wrote later that the flanking attack rolled up his line “like a wet blanket.” At the same time, Longstreet resumed his main attack, driving Hancock’s men back to the Brock Road, and mortally wounding Brig. Gen. James S. Wadsworth.
Longstreet rode forward on the Plank Road with several of his officers and encountered some of Mahone’s men returning from their successful attack. The Virginians believed the mounted party were Federals and opened fire, wounding Longstreet severely in his neck and killing a brigade commander, Brig. Gen. Micah Jenkins. Longstreet was able to turn over his command directly to Charles Field and told him to “Press the enemy.” However, the Confederate line fell into confusion and before a vigorous new assault could be organized, Hancock’s line had stabilized behind earthworks at the Brock Road. The following day, Lee appointed Maj. Gen. Richard H. Anderson to temporary command of the First Corps. Longstreet did not return to the Army of Northern Virginia until October 13. (By coincidence, he was accidentally shot by his own men only about 4 miles (6.4 km) away from the place where Stonewall Jackson suffered the same fate a year earlier.)
At the Turnpike, inconclusive fighting proceeded for most of the day. Early in the morning, Brig. Gen. John B. Gordon scouted the Union line and recommended to his division commander, Jubal Early, that he conduct a flanking attack, but Early dismissed the venture as too risky. According to Gordon’s account after the war, General Lee visited Ewell and ordered him to approve Gordon’s plan, but other sources discount Lee’s personal intervention. In any event, Ewell authorized him to go ahead shortly before dark. Gordon’s attack made good progress against inexperienced New York troops who had spent the war up until this time manning the artillery defenses of Washington, D.C., but eventually the darkness and the dense foliage took their toll as the Union flank received reinforcements and recovered. Sedgwick’s line was extended overnight to the Germanna Plank Road. For years after the war, Gordon complained about the delay in approving his attack, claiming “the greatest opportunity ever presented to Lee’s army was permitted to pass.”
Reports of the collapse of this part of the Union line caused great consternation at Grant’s headquarters, leading to an interchange that is widely quoted in Grant biographies. An officer accosted Grant, proclaiming, “General Grant, this is a crisis that cannot be looked upon too seriously. I know Lee’s methods well by past experience; he will throw his whole army between us and the Rapidan, and cut us off completely from our communications.” Grant seemed to be waiting for such an opportunity and snapped, “Oh, I am heartily tired of hearing about what Lee is going to do. Some of you always seem to think he is suddenly going to turn a double somersault, and land in our rear and on both of our flanks at the same time. Go back to your command, and try to think what we are going to do ourselves, instead of what Lee is going to do.”
On the morning of May 7, Grant was faced with the prospect of attacking strong Confederate earthworks. Instead, he chose maneuver. By moving south on the Brock Road, he hoped to reach the crossroads at Spotsylvania Court House, which would interpose his army between Lee and Richmond, forcing Lee to fight on ground more advantageous to the Union army. He ordered preparations for a night march on May 7 that would reach Spotsylvania, 10 mi (16 km) to the southeast, by the morning of May 8. Unfortunately for Grant, inadequate cavalry screening and bad luck allowed Lee’s army to reach the crossroads before sufficient Union troops arrived to contest it. Once again faced with formidable earthworks, Grant fought the bloody Battle of Spotsylvania Court House (May 8–21) before maneuvering yet again as the campaign continued toward Richmond.
Although the Wilderness is usually described as a draw, it could be called a tactical Confederate victory, but a strategic victory for the Union army. Lee inflicted heavy numerical casualties (see estimates below) on Grant, but as a percentage of Grant’s forces they were smaller than the percentage of casualties suffered by Lee’s smaller army. And, unlike Grant, Lee had very little opportunity to replenish his losses. Understanding this disparity, part of Grant’s strategy was to grind down the Confederate army by waging a war of attrition. The only way that Lee could escape from the trap that Grant had set was to destroy the Army of the Potomac while he still had sufficient force to do so, but Grant was too skilled to allow that to happen. Thus, the Overland Campaign, initiated by the crossing of the Rappahannock

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, and opening with this battle, set in motion the eventual destruction of the Army of Northern Virginia.
Therefore, even though Grant withdrew from the field at the end of the battle (which is usually the action of the defeated side), unlike his predecessors since 1861, Grant continued his campaign instead of retreating to the safety of Washington, D.C. The significance of Grant’s advance was noted by James M. McPherson:
Both flanks had been badly bruised, and [Grant’s] 17,500 casualties in two days exceeded the Confederate total by at least 7,000. Under such circumstances previous Union commanders in Virginia had withdrawn behind the nearest river. Men in the ranks expected the same thing to happen again. But Grant had told Lincoln “whatever happens, there will be no turning back.”
While the armies skirmished warily on May 7, Grant prepared to march around Lee’s right during the night to seize the crossroads village of Spotsylvania a dozen miles to the south. If successful, this move would place the Union army closer to Richmond than the enemy and force Lee to fight or retreat. All day Union supply wagons and the reserve artillery moved to the rear, confirming the soldiers’ weary expectation of retreat. After dark the blue divisions pulled out one by one.
Estimates of the casualties in the Wilderness vary. The following table summarizes estimates from a number of sources:
Gordon C. Rhea acknowledges the officially reported Union casualties of 17,666, but suspects that some of the returns—particularly in Warren’s corps—were falsified on the low side, to minimize the negative impact of the battle on the public. He estimates Grant’s loss at 17%. He accepts Union estimates of 11,000 Confederate casualties.
Portions of the Wilderness battlefield are preserved as part of Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park, established in 1927 to memorialize the battlefields of Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Spotsylvania Court House, and the Wilderness. In addition to this land that has been protected by the National Park Service, several volunteer organizations have been active in preservation activities. The Friends of the Wilderness Battlefield have been active in helping to preserve and enhance the Ellwood Mansion, which was the headquarters for both Gouverneur K. Warren and Ambrose Burnside during the battle and the family cemetery there holds the plot where Stonewall Jackson’s arm was buried. While the NPS acquired 180 acres (73 ha) of Ellwood in the 1970s, the FOWB is responsible for the preservation of the 1790s-era house and its interpretation.
The Civil War Trust in 2008 began a campaign to prevent the development of a 138,000-square-foot (3-acre; 12,821 m2) Wal-Mart Supercenter on a 55-acre (22 ha) tract north of the intersection of Routes 3 (the Germanna Highway) and 20 (the Orange Turnpike), immediately across Route 3 from the National Military Park, near the site of the Wilderness Tavern. Other organizations supporting the campaign were the Vermont state legislature and the “Wilderness Battlefield Coalition”, which includes the Piedmont Environmental Council, the National Trust for Historic Preservation, the National Parks Conservation Association, Friends of the Wilderness Battlefield, and Friends of the Fredericksburg Area Battlefields. The campaign was a success: on January 26, 2011, Wal-Mart announced that it had canceled plans for the Supercenter in the disputed location.
During the Civil War Centennial, the United States Post Office issued five postage stamps commemorating the 100th anniversaries of famous battles, as they occurred over a four-year period, beginning with the Battle of Fort Sumter Centennial issue of 1961. The Battle of Shiloh commemorative stamp was issued in 1962, the Battle of Gettysburg in 1963, the Battle of the Wilderness in 1964, and the Appomattox Centennial commemorative stamp in 1965.

Church of St. Onuphrius, Lviv

The Basilian monastery and Greek Catholic church of St. Onuphrius in Lviv, Ukraine is located north of the Old Town, at the base of the Castle Hill

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.
Records mention a wooden church existed at this site already in the 13th century during the reign of Leo I of Halych. During the second half of the 15th century a monastery was built next to the church. A stone church was built in 1550 and in 1585 a monastery surrounded with fortifications. The church was destroyed and rebuilt several times

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. Damaged by Turks in 1672, it underwent a major reconstruction in 1680. In 1776 the church was connected with the previously separate chapel of the Holy Trinity, adjoining it to the north, a new classicist bell tower was built in 1820 and in the years 1821-1824 the presbytery was extended and a sacristy added. The churches present day look dates to 1902 when the southern nave was constructed symmetrically and both were toped with hexagonal domes. Inside the church holds 18th century polychromies and an iconostasis from 1908

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Under Soviet rule the church was closed and changed into a museum of the first Ukrainian printer Ivan Fedorovych, who worked in the monastery at the end of 16th century and is buried there. After the collapse of the Soviet Union it was returned to the Basilians and restored.
Coordinates: 49°50′58″N 24°1′44″E / 49.84944°N 24.02889°E / 49.84944; 24.02889

Stasi 2.0

Der Begriff Stasi 2.0 ist ein politisches Schlagwort, das sich zunächst im Internet entwickelte. Die mit diesem Schlagwort verbundene politische Protestkampagne kritisiert verschiedene innenpolitische Vorhaben der Deutschen Bundesregierung, darunter insbesondere die von dem damaligen Bundesinnenminister Wolfgang Schäuble vorgeschlagenen Online-Durchsuchungen von privaten Computern oder die Vorratsdatenspeicherung, aber auch gesetzliche Einschränkungen der Netzneutralität und Informationsfreiheit. Die Wortwahl Stasi 2.0 spielt dabei sowohl auf die staatliche Überwachungspolitik der DDR durch das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit (kurz Stasi) als auch auf den Begriff des Web 2.0 an

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, der für die neuesten Fortschritte der Internet-Technologie steht.

Stasi 2.0 ist ein netzkultureller Begriff, der gegen die Bedrohung digitaler Bürgerrechte gerichtet ist. Stasi 2.0 dient dabei als Protest-Tagging, um die „Opposition gegen die umfassende Datenspeicherung“ fortzuführen. Im Mittelpunkt des Protestes stehen die innenpolitischen Forderungen des Innenministers Wolfgang Schäuble. Als Logo dieser Protestbewegung dient die so genannte Schäuble-Schablone, kurz Schäublone genannt. Über den Begriff wurde auch in konventionellen Massenmedien wie der Tagesschau und in der Süddeutschen Zeitung berichtet.
Der Begriff bezieht sich vor allem auf die von dem ehemaligen deutschen Innenminister Wolfgang Schäuble (CDU) und der Justizministerin Brigitte Zypries (SPD) vertretene Sicherheitspolitik – insbesondere auf die diskutierten und teilweise bereits praktizierten Überwachungsmaßnahmen Onlinedurchsuchungen und Vorratsdatenspeicherung, aber auch auf nicht technisch bedingte Maßnahmen wie zum Beispiel die bereits zuvor von der Staatssicherheit der DDR bekannte Sammlung von Körpergeruchsproben und dem Unterbindungsgewahrsam von Globalisierungskritikern vor und während des G8-Gipfels in Heiligendamm.
Unter dem Motto Stasi 2.0 und der Verwendung der Schäublone als Wiedererkennungsmerkmal finden häufig verschiedene Protestaktionen gegen die genannte Sicherheitspolitik statt. Kurz nachdem der Begriff entstanden war, äußerten sich beispielsweise Aktivisten vor dem Berliner Reichstagsgebäude im Rahmen einer Kunstaktion unter dem Motto Stasi 2.0 – Der Staat weiß jetzt alles besorgt, während das Bundeskabinett am 18. April 2007 den Entwurf zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung beschloss. Mittels großformatiger Schilder wurden dabei symbolisch sensible Informationen der Bürger preisgegeben und auf mögliche Folgen der Vorratsdatenspeicherung aufmerksam gemacht.
Bei einer weiteren Aktion wurde auf der Internationalen Funkausstellung Berlin 2007 von Aktivisten des Arbeitskreises Vorratsdatenspeicherung und dem Chaos Computer Club ein spontanes Go-in über dem Stand der Telekom durchgeführt, wobei neben der Schäublone verschiedene Transparente gehisst wurden.
Im Mai 2007 wurde das Schlagwort bei den Landtagswahlen in Bremen während eines Besuchs von Wolfgang Schäuble massiv auf Wahlplakaten, Protestaktionen und Informationsmaterial eingesetzt.
Besonders laut wurde der Protest gegen die Sicherheitspolitik des Innenministeriums unter starker Präsenz verschiedenster Stasi-2.0-Kampagnen auf den Demonstrationen Freiheit statt Angst, die laut dem Datenschutzbeauftragten Thilo Weichert zur größten Protestaktion für Bürgerrechte und Datenschutz seit dem Volkszählungsboykott von 1987 wurden.
Als Reaktion auf das Vorhaben, Internetseiten zu sperren und dabei geheime Sperrlisten unter Verwaltung des BKA und ohne judikative Kontrolle zu verwenden, entstand im Frühjahr 2009 innerhalb der Netzkultur der Spitzname „Zensursula“ für die Initiatorin und damalige Familienministerin Ursula von der Leyen. Verwendung finden ein ähnliches Logo und die gleiche Schriftart wie bei den Stasi 2.0-Protesten. Jedoch wurde hierbei als Schriftzug „Stasi 2.1“ gewählt, was eine neue Version des Überwachungsstaates verdeutlichen soll. Der Begriff „Zensursula“, als satirische Kombination des Vornamens der Bundesfamilienministerin und des Wortes Zensur (die Netzsperren werden von Kritikern als ineffektiv bezüglich ihres vorgeblichen Zwecks und als nicht rechtsstaatlich kontrolliert angesehen und Teile der entsprechenden Technik als potentieller Teil einer effektiveren Zensur für das Internet angesehen), fand auch außerhalb des deutschsprachigen Raumes Eingang in die Berichterstattung und wurde durch den Song „Zensi, Zensa, Zensursula“ weiter bekannt, der sich auf ironische Weise mit dem Thema Netzsperren befasste.
Netzaktivisten, aber auch Juristen, IT-Fachpresse, eine große Zahl von IT-Fachverbänden, Bürgerrechtler, Missbrauchsopfer, Opferschutzorganisationen und die Opposition sehen in dem Gesetz eine gegen Kinderpornografie unwirksame Maßnahme

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, die allerdings Tätern nützt und gleichzeitig massiv Grundrechte einschränken könnte. Die zur Sperrung errichtete Infrastruktur könne problemlos für weitere Zensur-Maßnahmen verwendet werden, da sie eine Kontrolle unliebsamer Inhalte ermögliche und „Echtzeitüberwachung“ umsetze.
Als sich der damalige Wirtschaftsminister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg bei der Nachrichtensendung Tagesschau negativ über Kritiker der Internetsperrungen äußerte und ihnen indirekt die Förderung von Kinderpornografie unterstellte, brachte ihm das innerhalb der Netzkultur den Spitznamen Guttenzwerg und den Ruf eines Internetausdruckers ein. Im Stil der Stasi 2 bogner jacken 2016.0-Schablone wurde ein ähnliches Motiv mit Guttenberg und dem Text „Ahnungslos. Aber betroffen.“ verbreitet.
Das Logo in Form einer Sprühschablone mit dem Begriff Stasi 2.0 und dem Konterfei von Wolfgang Schäuble wurde von dem Medieninformatiker Dirk Adler entwickelt, vom Weblog dataloo veröffentlicht und entwickelte sich so unter dem Namen Schäublone (Kofferwort aus Schäuble und Schablone) zum Symbol der Protestbewegung.
Kurz darauf entstand auch ein entsprechendes als Platterone bezeichnetes Motiv mit dem Innenminister Österreichs Günther Platter. Außerdem wurden 19 weitere Politikerportraits sowie eine spezielle Schrifttype veröffentlicht.
Das Logo wird bei Demonstrationen gegen staatliche Überwachungsmaßnahmen eingesetzt, wie beispielsweise bei den politischen Kunstaktionen des Chaos Computer Clubs, einem Aktionstag anlässlich Schäubles Besuch in Bremen oder anlässlich einer Protestaktion auf der Internationalen Funkausstellung Berlin 2007 vom Arbeitskreis Vorratsdatenspeicherung. Das Motiv findet zunehmende Verbreitung als Graffiti oder Aufkleber im öffentlichen Raum zahlreicher Städte (Streetart) und existiert dort auch in mehreren weiterentwickelten Varianten.
Trotz Bedenken seiner Rechtsabteilung gegen das Motiv übernahm der Leipziger Onlineservice Spreadshirt nach zuvoriger Ablehnung doch die Produktion und den Versand von T-Shirts mit dem Motiv der Schäublone. Spreadshirt-Gründer und CEO Lukasz Gadowski setzte sich nachhaltig für den Druck ein:
„Ich respektiere Schäuble und habe Verständnis für die sensible Sicherheitslage. Aber mit Satire müssen Politiker einfach rechnen.“
Der Versand spendete bis Ende Juni 2007 pro verkauftem Hemdchen fünf Euro an den Arbeitskreis Vorratsdatenspeicherung, wodurch insgesamt über 11.000 Euro zusammenkamen.
Ende August 2007 wurde ein Informatikstudent, der das Motiv sichtbar auf seinem Auto mit sich führte, von der Polizei wegen anfänglichem Verdacht auf Beleidigung angezeigt, das Bild beschlagnahmt und der Fall an die Münchner Staatsanwaltschaft weitergeleitet. Das Verfahren ist im Oktober 2007 eingestellt worden.
Im November 2007 brachten einige Fans des Fußballvereins 1. FC Union Berlin im Stadion An der Alten Försterei mit einer Schäublone im Großformat ihren Unmut über zunehmende Überwachung der Fußballfans zum Ausdruck. Um angekündigte Konfrontationen mit den Polizeikräften zu vermeiden, forderte der Ordnungsdienst des Vereins die Fans unter Androhung von Hausverbot auf, besagte Transparente zu entfernen

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, worauf diese mit einem weiteren Transparent mit der Aufschrift Freie Meinungsäußerung? reagierten und anschließend geschlossen das Stadion verließen. Der 1. FC Union entschuldigte sich daraufhin bei den betroffenen Fans und gab an, dass der Ordnungsdienst falsch und überzogen reagiert habe.
Anfang April 2008 wurde in der Veltins-Arena in Gelsenkirchen eine Fahne mit dem Motiv der Schäublone während eines Fußballspiels gegen den FC Barcelona unter Verweis auf das Hausrecht des FC Schalke 04 eingezogen. Die Fahne wurde in Reaktion auf einen Polizeikessel am Schalker Fanprojekt vor dem Heimspiel gegen den MSV Duisburg am 15. März 2008 mit in das Stadion genommen. Die Polizei würde prüfen, ob Anzeige wegen „Verwendung von verfassungsfeindlichen Symbolen“ erhoben werde, so ein Ordner. Beim Spiel gegen den FC Hansa Rostock am 5. April 2008 waren daraufhin 9 Schäublonen in Form von Fahnen und Doppelhaltern sowie drei Spruchbänder zum Thema Meinungsfreiheit als Reaktion auf den Einzug der Fahne in der Kurve zu sehen. Erneut wurde gebeten, die Schäublonen abzuhängen. Dieser Bitte kam man nicht nach. In der Einsatzstelle im Stadion kam es darauf zu einem Gespräch zwischen dem Vorsänger der Ultras Gelsenkirchen sowie der Polizei. Dort wurde mitgeteilt, dass gegen jeden, der einen solchen Doppelhalter hielt, ein Ermittlungsverfahren eingeleitet werde. Bei Information der Polizei über die Kampagne „Stasi 2.0“ gab diese zu, dass dies so nicht bekannt gewesen wäre und man das Aufrechthalten der Anzeigen überprüfen werde. Die Verfahren wurden kurze Zeit später eingestellt, da das Bundesministerium nach Anfrage der Staatsanwaltschaft von einem Strafantrag absah.
Kritiker betrachten die Bezeichnung als unangemessene Überspitzung und unzulässige Verharmlosung des Ursprungsbegriffs Stasi, auch im Hinblick auf deren Opfer.
Andere Kritiker sehen die Kritik zu sehr auf einzelne Politiker fixiert. Dabei würde die der Politik zugrunde liegende Kontrollmentalität in der Gesellschaft nicht berücksichtigt werden. Demnach gebe es nicht nur die Interessen des Staates nach Kontrolle, sondern auch eine „Blockwart“-Mentalität innerhalb der Gesellschaft. Geraten wird, die Gründe für diese Mentalität näher zu analysieren: „Wer in der Zeitung über seine Nachbarn lesen will, was sie für sexuelle Gepflogenheiten haben oder wie gemeinschaftsfeindlich sie sich der unkorrekten Mülltrennung schuldig machen, der hat wenig Skrupel, was einen starken, schützenden Staat angeht.“ Zu einer kritischen Betrachtung gehöre auch die Frage, welche Maßnahmen besonders wenig Beachtung in der Gesellschaft erfahren, zum Beispiel bei der geräuschlosen „Erweiterung des kleinen Bundesgrenzschutzes zur riesigen Bundespolizei“. Angesprochen wird dabei die Mentalität in der Gesellschaft gegenüber „Fremden“ und „Minderheiten“ wie Einwanderern.
Schäuble erläuterte seinen Unmut über die Schäublone in einem Interview mit der taz:
„Die Gleichsetzung meiner Person mit der Stasi ist eine Beleidigung.“