Blumau (Südtirol)

Blumau (italienisch Prato all’Isarco) ist ein Dorf im Eisacktal in Südtirol (Italien) ca. 8 km östlich von Bozen.
Der Name hat nichts mit „Blumenau“ zu tun, sondern entstand aus dem Wort Blume bzw. Plumme für Holzfloß, da dort das gefällte Holz für die Verflößung in die Poebene zusammengestellt wurde, und dem Suffix -au. Der italianisierte Name Prato all’Isarco, der rückübersetzt Wiese am Eisack bedeutet, ist damit auch ein typisches Beispiel für die Vorgangsweise bei der Erstellung des Prontuario durch Ettore Tolomei.
In Blumau mündet der Tierser Bach (auch Braibach genannt) in den Eisack.
Bekannt wurde Blumau auch durch eine Bierbrauerei der Gebrüder Schwarz aus Bozen, welche im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert zu den führenden Brauereien Südtirols gehörte.

Blumau gehört zu drei Gemeinden, deren Grenzen durch den Eisack und den Tierser Bach gebildet werden. Der Großteil des Dorfes westlich des Tierser Baches und südlich des Eisacks gehört zu Karneid. Im Karneider Teil befinden sich die Schulen, der Bahnhof, das Postamt, die einzige Bankfiliale und ein Großteil der Geschäfte und Gastlokale.
Alle Häuser, die nördlich des Eisacks liegen, gehören zur Gemeinde Ritten

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. Dazu zählen unter anderem einige der größeren Betriebe des Ortes.
Das Gebiet östlich des Tierser Baches ist Teil der Gemeinde Völs am Schlern. Dort befinden sich unter anderem die Pfarrkirche mit dem Friedhof, ein Gasthaus (Blumauer Hof), eine Metzgerei, die Loacker Remedia GmbH (Partner der Deutschen Homöopathie-Union) und eine Gärtnerei.
In Blumau befinden sich ein Kindergarten und eine Grundschule sowie die Mittelschule für die Schüler der Gemeinden Tiers und Völs sowie der Karneider Fraktionen Steinegg und Blumau.
Blumau ist ein Verkehrsknotenpunkt für den öffentlichen und privaten Verkehr: Die Brenner-Staatsstraße teilt das Dorf. Von ihr zweigen die Straßen nach Steinegg und ins Schlerngebiet sowie die alte Straße nach Tiers ab. Daher halten auch alle Busse in Blumau. Die Brennerbahn mcm tasche, die durch Blumau (ein kurzes Stück außerhalb der Tunnel) fährt, hält vorerst nicht mehr. Die Brennerautobahn führt ebenfalls durch Blumau; die Autobahnausfahrt Bozen Nord befindet sich nur wenige Kilometer südwestlich von Blumau auf Karneider Gebiet.
Zwei längere Eisenbahntunnel beginnen bzw. enden in Blumau:
Diese Tunnel sollen Teil der Zulaufstrecke zum Brennerbasistunnel werden.
Wegen der Nähe zu Bozen und der guten Anbindung an das (öffentliche und private) Verkehrsnetz wurden in den letzten Jahren verschiedene Wohnhäuser errichtet.
Weniger angenehm ist das lokale Klima, das durch die Enge des Tales und die Nähe der Wasserläufe verhältnismäßig kalt und feucht ist.
Hier ist ein Endpunkt des Radkunstwegs „Augenreise“ von Bozen über Kardaun nach Blumau, der unter dem Motto „Kunst kennt keine Behinderung“ von der geschützen Werkstatt KIMM der Bezirksgemeinschaft Salten-Schlern gestaltet wurde.

Jahula

Jahula (Arabic: جاحولا‎) was a Palestinian Arab village in the Safad Subdistrict. It was depopulated during the 1948 War on May 1, 1948 by the Palmach’s First Battalion of Operation Yiftach. It was located 11 km northeast of Safad.
In 1945, the village had a population of 420. The village had one mosque and a shrine for a local sage known as al-Shaykh Salih.

Jahula was situated in the foothills of the Galilee Mountains overlooking the Hula Valley plain, by the Tiberias—al-Mutilla highway.
The Jahula area had been occupied from the seventh through the third millennium B.C., according to archaeological excavations conducted in 1986. Pottery remains from the Roman and Byzantine periods have also been found in the area.
Jahula was recorded in the Ottoman census of 1596 as belonging to the nahiya (subdistrict) of Jira under the liwa’ (district) of Safad, and at the time it had a small population of 28 inhabitants. They paid taxes on crops such as wheat and barley, and reared goats, bees, and water buffalos.
In 1881, the Palestine Exploration Fund’s Survey of Western Palestine found at Ain Jahula “a large perennial spring, with a stream flowing to the march of the Huleh; a large supply of good water”.
The villagers of Jahula were predominantly Muslim and worshipped at a local mosque, situated approximately 1 km north of the village site. A shrine there was dedicated to Shaykh Salih, a local religious preacher. The houses in the village were made of masonry.
Most villagers were engaged in agriculture, and a spring located on the north side of the village supplied the people of Jahula with drinking water.
In the 1922 census of Palestine, conducted by the British Mandate authorities, Jahula had a population of 214; all Muslims, increasing in the 1931 census to 357; still all Muslims, in a total of 90 houses.
In 1945, Jahula had a population of 420, with 3,869 dunums of land, according to an official land and population survey. 1,626 dunums were allocated to grain farming, while 64 dunams were classified as urban land.
Some villagers were also employed in the stone quarries north of the village.
Jahula was depopulated during the 1948 War on May 1, 1948 by the Palmach’s First Battalion of Operation Yiftach

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. Benny Morris writes that the cause of depopulation is unknown, while the American Historian Rosemarie Esber gives as depopuation cause: “Direct mortar attacks on civilians, siege, shooting at fleeing Arabs”.
Presently, the Israeli settlement of Yiftach is 2 kilometers (1.2 mi) northwest of the village site; there are no settlements on village lands.
Of the village site the Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi wrote in 1992: “The only remains of the destroyed village are a few stone terraces. The site is enclosed by barbed wire, and cactuses and trees grow on it. The village spring is still in use by Israelis. Parts of the village land are planted in cotton and watermelons, while other parts are wooded and hilly.

Assassination

Note: Varies by jurisdiction
Note: Varies by jurisdiction
Assassination is the deliberate killing of a prominent person, often but not always a political leader or ruler, usually for political reasons or payment.
An assassination may be prompted by religious, political, or military motives; it is an act that may be done for financial gain, to avenge a grievance, from a desire to acquire fame or notoriety, or because of a military, security or insurgent group’s command to carry out the homicide.

The word assassin is often believed to derive from the word Hashshashin (Arabic: حشّاشين, ħashshāshīyīn, also Hashishin, Hashashiyyin, or Assassins), and shares its etymological roots with hashish (/hæˈʃiːʃ/ or /ˈhæʃiːʃ/; from Arabic: حشيش ḥashīsh). It referred to a group of Nizari Shia Persians who worked against various Arab and Persian targets.
Founded by the Arab-Persian Hassan-i Sabbah, the Assassins were active in the fortress of Alamut in Iran from the 8th to the 14th centuries, and also controlled the castle of Masyaf in Syria. The group killed members of the Persian, Abbasid, Seljuq, and Christian Crusader élite for political and religious reasons.
Although it is commonly believed that Assassins were under the influence of hashish during their killings or during their indoctrination, there is debate as to whether these claims have merit, with many Eastern writers and an increasing number of Western academics coming to believe that drug-taking was not the key feature behind the name. The earliest known literary use of the word assassination is in Macbeth by William Shakespeare (1605).
The word for “murder” in many Romance languages is derived from this same root word (see Spanish asesinato).
Assassination is one of the oldest tools of power politics. It dates back at least as far as recorded history.
The Old Testament story of Judith illustrates how a woman frees the Israelites by tricking and assassinating Holofernes, a warlord of the rival Assyrians, with whom the Israelites were at war. King Joash of Judah was recorded as being assassinated by his own servants; Joab assassinated Absalom, King David’s son; and King Sennacherib of Assyria was assassinated by his own sons.
Chanakya (c. 350–283 BC) wrote about assassinations in detail in his political treatise Arthashastra. His student Chandragupta Maurya, the founder of the Maurya Empire, later made use of assassinations against some of his enemies, including two of Alexander the Great’s generals, Nicanor and Philip. Other famous victims are Philip II of Macedon (336 BC), the father of Alexander the Great, and Roman consul Julius Caesar (44 BC). Emperors of Rome often met their end in this way, as did many of the Muslim Shia Imams hundreds of years later. The practice was also well known in ancient China, as in Jing Ke’s failed assassination of Qin king Ying Zheng in 227 BC. Whilst many assassination were performed by an individual or a small group, there were also specialized units who used a collective group of people to perform more than one assassination. The earliest were the sicarii in 6 A.D., who predated the Middle Eastern assassins and Japanese ninjas by centuries.
In the Middle Ages, regicide was rare in Western Europe, but it was a recurring theme in the Eastern Roman Empire. Blinding and strangling in the bathtub were the most commonly used procedures. With the Renaissance, tyrannicide—or assassination for personal or political reasons—became more common again in Western Europe. High medieval sources mention the assassination of King Demetrius Zvonimir (1089), dying at the hands of his own people, who objected to a proposition by the Pope to go on a campaign to aid the Byzantines against the Seljuk Turks. This account is, however, contentious among historians, it being most commonly asserted that he died of natural causes. The myth of the “Curse of King Zvonimir” is based on the legend of his assassination. In 1192, Conrad of Montferrat, the de facto King of Jerusalem, was killed by an assassin.
The reigns of King Przemysł II of Poland (1296), William the Silent of the Netherlands (1584), and the French kings Henry III (1589) and Henry IV (1610) were all ended by assassins.
In the modern world, the killing of important people began to become more than a tool in power struggles between rulers themselves and was also used for political symbolism, such as in the propaganda of the deed. In Russia alone, two emperors, Paul I and Alexander II, were assassinated within 80 years.
In the United States, within 100 years, four presidents—Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy—died at the hands of assassins. There have been at least 20 known attempts on U.S. presidents’ lives. Robert Kennedy, a presidential candidate, was also assassinated in the late 1960s in the US. In Austria, the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914, was carried out by Gavrilo Princip, a Serbian national and a member of the Serbian nationalist insurgents (The Black Hand) is blamed for igniting World War I after a succession of minor conflicts, while belligerents on both sides in World War II used operatives specifically trained for assassination. Reinhard Heydrich was killed after an attack by British trained Czechoslovak soldiers on behalf of the Czechoslovak government in exile in Operation Anthropoid, and knowledge from decoded transmissions allowed the U.S. to carry out a targeted attack, killing Japanese Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto while he was travelling by plane. The Polish Home Army conducted a regular campaign of assassinations against top Nazi German officials in occupied Poland. Adolf Hitler, meanwhile, was almost killed by his own officers, and survived various attempts by other persons and organizations (such as Operation Foxley, though this plan was never put into practice).
During the 1930s and 1940s Joseph Stalin’s NKVD carried out numerous assassinations outside of the Soviet Union, such as the killings of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists leader Yevhen Konovalets, Ignace Poretsky, Fourth International secretary Rudolf Klement, Leon Trotsky, and the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) leadership in Catalonia.
India’s “Father of the Nation,” Mohandas K. Gandhi, was shot to death on January 30, 1948 by Nathuram Godse.
The American civil rights activist, Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968 at the Lorraine Motel (now the National Civil Rights Museum) in Memphis, Tennessee. Three years prior, another civil African-American civil rights activist, Malcolm X was assassinated at the Audubon Ballroom on February 21, 1965. Fred Hampton of the Black Panther Party was assassinated on December 4, 1969.
Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, was assassinated by Saad Akbar, a lone assassin, in 1951. Conspiracy theorists believe his conflict with certain members of the Pakistani military (Rawalpindi conspiracy) or suppression of Communists and antagonism towards the Soviet Union, were potential reasons for his assassination.
In 1960, Inejiro Asanuma, Chairman of the Japanese Socialist Party, was assassinated in a stabbing by an extreme rightist.
The U.S. Senate Select Committee chaired by Senator Frank Church (the Church Committee) reported in 1975 that it had found “concrete evidence of at least eight plots involving the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro from 1960 to 1965.”
Most major powers repudiated Cold War assassination tactics, though many allege that this was merely a smokescreen for political benefit and that covert and illegal training of assassins continues today, with Russia, Israel, the U.S., Argentina, Paraguay, Chile, and other nations accused of engaging in such operations. In 1986, U.S. President Ronald Reagan (who survived an assassination attempt himself) ordered the Operation El Dorado Canyon air raid on Libya in which one of the primary targets was the home residence of Libyan ruler Muammar Gaddafi. Gaddafi escaped unharmed; however, his adopted daughter Hanna was claimed to be one of the civilian casualties.
In the Philippines, the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr. triggered the eventual downfall of the 20-year autocratic rule of President Ferdinand Marcos. Aquino, a former Senator and a leading figure of the political opposition, was assassinated in 1983 at the Manila International Airport (now the Ninoy Aquino International Airport) upon returning home from exile. His death thrust his widow, Corazon Aquino, into the limelight and, ultimately, the presidency following the peaceful 1986 EDSA Revolution.
After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the new Islamic government of Iran began an international campaign of assassination that lasted into the 1990s. At least 162 killings in 19 countries have been linked to the senior leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This campaign came to an end after the Mykonos restaurant assassinations, because a German court publicly implicated senior members of the government and issued arrest warrants for Ali Fallahian, the head of the Iranian Intelligence. Evidence indicates that Fallahian’s personal involvement and individual responsibility for the murders were far more pervasive than his current indictment record represents.
Anwar Sadat, President of the Arab Republic of Egypt (formerly President of the United Arab Republic) was assassinated October 6, 1981, during the annual parade celebrating Operation Badr, the opening maneuver of the Yom Kippur War.
On August 17, 1988, President of Pakistan Gen. M. Zia ul Haq died alongside 31 others including the Chief of Staff of the Pakistani Armed Forces, the US Ambassador to Pakistan and the chief of the US Military Mission to Pakistan when his C-130 transport plane mysteriously crashed. The crash is widely considered – inside of Pakistan – to be an act of political assassination.
In post-Saddam Iraq, the Shiite-dominated government used death squads to perform extrajudicial executions of radical Sunni Iraqis, with some alleging that the death squads were trained by the U.S. Concrete allegations have since surfaced that the Iranian government has actively armed and funded Shia death-squads in post-Saddam Iraq.
In India, Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv Gandhi (neither of whom were related to Mohandas Gandhi, who was assassinated in 1948), were assassinated in 1984 and 1991 respectively. The assassinations were linked to separatist movements in Punjab and northern Sri Lanka, respectively.
In Israel, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated on November 4, 1995. Yigal Amir confessed and was convicted of the crime.
Israeli tourist minister Rehavam Ze’evi was assassinated on October 17, 2001, by Hamdi Quran and three other members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The PFLP stated that the assassination was in retaliation for the August 27, 2001, killing of Abu Ali Mustafa, the Secretary General of the PFLP, by the Israeli Air Force under its policy of targeted killings.
In Lebanon, the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri on February 14, 2005, prompted an investigation by the United Nations. The suggestion in the resulting Mehlis report that there was Syrian involvement, prompted the Cedar Revolution, which drove Syrian troops out of Lebanon.
In Pakistan, former prime minister and opposition leader Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in 2007, while in the process of running for re-election. Bhutto’s assassination drew unanimous condemnation from the international community.
In Guinea Bissau, President João Bernardo Vieira was assassinated in the early hours of March 2, 2009, in the capital, Bissau. Unlike typical assassinations his death was not swift; he first survived an explosion at the Presidential Villa, was then shot and wounded, and finally was butchered with machetes. His assassination was carried out by renegade soldiers who were apparently revenging the killing of General Tagme Na Waie, the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of Guinea Bissau, who had been killed in a bomb explosion the day before.
Assassination for military purposes has long been espoused – Sun Tzu, writing around 500 BC, argued in favor of using assassination in his book The Art of War. Nearly 2000 years later, in his book The Prince, Machiavelli also argued assassination could be useful.[citation needed] An army and even a nation might be based upon and around a particularly strong, canny, or charismatic leader, whose loss could paralyze the ability of both to make war.
There is also the risk that the target could be replaced by an even more competent leader, or that such a killing (or a failed attempt) will “martyr” a leader and lead to greater support of his or her cause (by showing the moral ruthlessness of the assassins). Faced with particularly brilliant leaders, this possibility has in various instances been risked, such as in the attempts to kill the Athenian Alcibiades during the Peloponnesian War. A number of additional examples from World War II show how assassination was used as a tool:
Use of assassination has continued in more recent conflicts:
Insurgent groups have often employed assassination as a tool to further their causes. Assassinations provide several functions for such groups, namely the removal of specific enemies and as propaganda tools to focus the attention of media and politics on their cause.
The Irish Republican Army guerrillas of 1919–21 killed many RIC Police Intelligence officers during the Irish War of Independence. Michael Collins set up a special unit – the Squad – for this purpose, which had the effect of intimidating many policemen into resigning from the force. The Squad’s activities peaked with the killing of 14 British agents in Dublin on Bloody Sunday in 1920.
This tactic was used again by the Provisional IRA during the Troubles in Northern Ireland (1969–1998). Killing of RUC officers and assassination of RUC politicians was one of a number of methods used in the Provisional IRA campaign 1969–1997. The IRA also attempted to assassinate British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher by bombing the Conservative Party Conference in a Brighton hotel. Loyalist paramilitaries retaliated by killing Catholics at random and assassinating Irish nationalist politicians.
Basque terrorists ETA in Spain have assassinated many security and political figures since the late 1960s, notably Luis Carrero Blanco, 1st Duke of Carrero-Blanco Grandee of Spain, in 1973. Since the early 1990s, they have also targeted academics, journalists and local politicians who publicly disagreed with them.
The Red Brigades in Italy carried out assassinations of political figures, as to a lesser extent, did the Red Army Faction in Germany in the 1970s and 1980s.
In the Vietnam War, Communist insurgents routinely assassinated government officials and individual civilians deemed to offend or rival the revolutionary movement. Such attacks, along with widespread military activity by insurgent bands, almost brought the Diem regime to collapse before the U.S. intervention.
A major study about assassination attempts in the U.S. in the second half of the 20th century came to the conclusion that most prospective assassins spend copious amounts of time planning and preparing for their attempts. Assassinations are thus rarely a case of ‘impulsive’ action.
However, about 25% of the actual attackers were found to be delusional, a figure that rose to 60% with ‘near-lethal approachers’ (people apprehended before reaching their target). This shows that while mental instability plays a role in many modern-age assassinations, the more delusional attackers are less likely to succeed in their attempt. The report also found that around two-thirds of attackers had previously been arrested (not necessarily for related offenses), that 44% had a history of serious depression, and that 39% had a history of substance abuse.
It seems likely that the first assassinations would have been direct and simple: stabbing, strangling or bludgeoning. The key technique was likely infiltration, with the actual assassination by stabbing, smothering or strangulation. Poisons also started to be used in many forms.
Death cap mushrooms and similar plants became a traditional choice of assassins especially if they could not be perceived as poisonous by taste, and the symptoms of the poisoning did not show until after some time.[citation needed]
In ancient Rome, paid mobs were sometimes used to beat political enemies to death.[citation needed]
With the advent of effective ranged weaponry, and later firearms, the position of an assassination target was more precarious. Bodyguards were no longer enough to hold back determined killers, who no longer needed to directly engage or even subvert the guard to kill the leader in question. Moreover, the engagement of targets at greater distance dramatically increased the chances of an assassin’s survival. The first heads of government to be assassinated with a firearm were the Regent Moray of Scotland in 1570, and William the Silent, the Prince of Orange of the Netherlands in 1584. Gunpowder and other explosives also allowed the use of bombs or even greater concentrations of explosives for deeds requiring a larger touch.
Explosives, especially the car bomb, become far more common in modern history, with grenades and remote-triggered land mines also used, especially in the Middle East and Balkans (the initial attempt on Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s life was with a grenade). With heavy weapons, the rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) has become a useful tool given the popularity of armored cars (discussed below), while Israeli forces have pioneered the use of aircraft-mounted missiles, as well as the innovative use of explosive devices.
A sniper with a precision rifle is often used in fictional assassinations. However, certain difficulties attend long-range shooting, including finding a hidden shooting position with a clear line-of-sight, detailed advance knowledge of the intended victim’s travel plans, the ability to identify the target at long range, and the ability to score a first-round lethal hit at long range, usually measured in hundreds of meters. A dedicated sniper rifle is also expensive, often costing thousands of dollars because of the high level of precision machining and hand-finishing required to achieve extreme accuracy.
Despite their comparative disadvantages, handguns are more easily concealable, and consequentially much more commonly used than rifles. Of 74 principal incidents evaluated in a major study about assassination attempts in the U.S. in the second half of the 20th century, 51% were undertaken by a handgun, 30% with a rifle or shotgun, 15% used knives, and 8% explosives (usage of multiple weapons/methods was reported in 16% of all cases).
In the case of state-sponsored assassination, poisoning can be more easily denied. Georgi Markov, a Bulgarian dissident was assassinated by ricin poisoning. A tiny pellet containing the poison was injected into his leg through a specially designed umbrella. Widespread allegations involving the Bulgarian government and KGB have not led to any legal results. However, it was learned after fall of the USSR, that the KGB had developed an umbrella that could inject ricin pellets into a victim, and two former KGB agents who defected said the agency assisted in the murder. The CIA has allegedly made several attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, many of the schemes involving poisoning his cigars. In the late 1950s, KGB assassin Bohdan Stashynsky killed Ukrainian nationalist leaders Lev Rebet and Stepan Bandera with a spray gun that fired a jet of poison gas from a crushed cyanide ampule, making their deaths look like heart attacks. A 2006 case in the UK concerned the assassination of Alexander Litvinenko who was given a lethal dose of radioactive polonium-210, possibly passed to him in aerosol form sprayed directly onto his food. Litvinenko, a former KGB agent, had been granted asylum in the UK in 2000 after citing persecution in Russia. Shortly before his death he issued a statement accusing then-President of Russia Vladimir Putin of involvement in his assassination. President Putin denies he had any part in Litvinenko’s death.
Targeted killing is the intentional killing–by a government or its agents–of a civilian or “unlawful combatant” targeted by the government, who is not in the government’s custody. The target is a person asserted to be taking part in an armed conflict or terrorism, whether by bearing arms or otherwise, who has thereby lost the immunity from being targeted that he would otherwise have under the Third Geneva Convention. Note that this is a different term and concept from that of “targeted violence” as used by specialists who study violence.
On the other hand, Georgetown Law Professor Gary Solis, in his 2010 book entitled The Law of Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law in War, writes: “Assassinations and targeted killings are very different acts”. The use of the term assassination is opposed, as it denotes murder, whereas the terrorists are targeted in self-defense, and thus it is viewed as a killing, but not a crime. Judge Abraham Sofaer, former federal judge for the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, wrote on the subject:
When people call a targeted killing an “assassination,” they are attempting to preclude debate on the merits of the action. Assassination is widely defined as murder, and is for that reason prohibited in the United States … U.S. officials may not kill people merely because their policies are seen as detrimental to our interests ..

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. But killings in self-defense are no more “assassinations” in international affairs than they are murders when undertaken by our police forces against domestic killers. Targeted killings in self-defense have been authoritatively determined by the federal government to fall outside the assassination prohibition.
Author and former U.S. Army Captain Matthew J. Morgan has argued that “there is a major difference between assassination and targeted killing … targeted killing [is] not synonymous with assassination. Assassination … constitutes an illegal killing.” Similarly, Amos Guiora, professor of law at the University of Utah, writes: “Targeted killing is … not an assassination”, Steve David, Professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University, writes: “There are strong reasons to believe that the Israeli policy of targeted killing is not the same as assassination”. Syracuse Law Professor William Banks and GW Law Professor Peter Raven-Hansen write: “Targeted killing of terrorists is … not unlawful and would not constitute assassination”, Rory Miller writes: “Targeted killing … is not ‘assassination'”. Associate Professor Eric Patterson and Teresa Casale write: “Perhaps most important is the legal distinction between targeted killing and assassination”.
On the other hand, the American Civil Liberties Union also states on its website, “A program of targeted killing far from any battlefield, without charge or trial, violates the constitutional guarantee of due process. It also violates international law, under which lethal force may be used outside armed conflict zones only as a last resort to prevent imminent threats, when non-lethal means are not available. Targeting people who are suspected of terrorism for execution, far from any war zone, turns the whole world into a battlefield.” Yael Stein, the research director of B’Tselem, The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, also states in her article “By Any Name Illegal and Immoral: Response to ‘Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing'”:
The argument that this policy affords the public a sense of revenge and retribution could serve to justify acts both illegal and immoral. Clearly, lawbreakers ought to be punished. Yet, no matter how horrific their deeds, as the targeting of Israeli civilians indeed is, they should be punished according to the law. David’s arguments could, in principle, justify the abolition of formal legal systems altogether.
Targeted killing has become a frequent tactic of the United States and Israel in their fight against terrorism. The tactic can raise complex questions and lead to contentious disputes as to the legal basis for its application, who qualifies as an appropriate “hit list” target, and what circumstances must exist before the tactic may be employed. Opinions range from people considering it a legal form of self-defense that reduces terrorism, to people calling it an extra-judicial killing that lacks due process, and which leads to further violence. Methods used have included firing a five-foot-long Hellfire missile from a Predator or Reaper drone (an unmanned, remote-controlled plane), detonating a cell phone bomb, and long-range sniper shooting. Countries such as the U.S. (in Pakistan and Yemen) and Israel (in the West Bank and Gaza) have used targeted killing to eliminate members of groups such as Al-Qaeda and Hamas. In early 2010, with President Obama’s approval, Anwar al-Awlaki became the first U.S. citizen to be publicly approved for targeted killing by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Awlaki was killed in a drone strike in September 2011.
One of the earliest forms of defense against assassins was employing bodyguards. Bodyguards act as a shield for the potential target, keeping lookout for potential attackers (sometimes in advance, for example on a parade route), and putting themselves in harm’s way—both by simple presence, showing that physical force is available to protect the target, and by shielding the target during any attack. To neutralize an attacker, bodyguards are typically armed as much as legal and practical concerns permit.
This bodyguard function was often executed by the leader’s most loyal warriors, and was extremely effective throughout most of early human history, leading assassins to attempt stealthy means, such as poison (which risk was answered by having another person taste the leader’s food first).
Another notable measure is the use of a body double, a person who looks like the leader and who pretends to be the leader to draw attention away from the intended target.[citation needed]
Notable examples of bodyguards include the Roman Praetorian Guard or the Ottoman Janissaries—though, in both cases, the protectors sometimes became assassins themselves, exploiting their power to make the head of state a virtual hostage or killing the very leaders they were supposed to protect. The fidelity of individual bodyguards is an important question as well, especially for leaders who oversee states with strong ethnic or religious divisions. Failure to realize such divided loyalties led to the assassination of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, assassinated by two Sikh bodyguards in 1984.
With the advent of gunpowder, ranged assassination (via bombs or firearms) became possible. One of the first reactions was to simply increase the guard, creating what at times might seem a small army trailing every leader; another was to begin clearing large areas whenever a leader was present, to the point where entire sections of a city might be shut down.
As the 20th century dawned, the prevalence and capability of assassins grew quickly, as did measures to protect against them. For the first time, armored cars or limousines were put into service for safer transport, with modern versions virtually invulnerable to small arms fire, smaller bombs and mines. Bulletproof vests also began to be used, which were of limited utility, restricting movement and leaving the head unprotected – so they tended to be worn only during high-profile public events, if at all.
Access to famous persons, too, became more and more restricted; potential visitors would be forced through numerous different checks before being granted access to the official in question, and as communication became better and information technology more prevalent, it has become all but impossible for a would-be killer to get close enough to the personage at work or in private life to effect an attempt on his or her life, especially given the common use of metal and bomb detectors.
Most modern assassinations have been committed either during a public performance or during transport, both because of weaker security and security lapses, such as with U.S. President John F. Kennedy and former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, or as part of coups d’état where security is either overwhelmed or completely removed, such as with Patrice Lumumba.
The methods used for protection by famous people have sometimes evoked negative reactions by the public, with some resenting the separation from their officials or major figures. One example might be traveling in a car protected by a bubble of clear bulletproof glass, such as the Popemobile of Pope John Paul II, built following an attempt at his life. Politicians often resent this need for separation, sometimes sending their bodyguards away from them for personal or publicity reasons; U.S. President William McKinley did this at the public reception where he was assassinated.
Other potential targets go into seclusion, and are rarely heard from or seen in public, such as writer Salman Rushdie. A related form of protection is the use of body doubles a person built similar to the person he is expected to impersonate. These persons are then made up, and in some cases altered to look like the target, with the body double then taking the place of the person in high risk situations. According to Joe R. Reeder, Under Secretary of the Army from 1993 to 1997, Fidel Castro has used body doubles.
United States Secret Service protective agents receive training in the psychology of assassins.

List of The X Factor (UK) finalists

The X Factor is a British television music competition that first aired in 2004. As of December 2013, there have been ten completed series. The final round of the competition features a number of solo singers or vocal groups: nine in series 1, twelve in series 2-6 and 10, 16 in series 7, 8 and 11, and 13 in series 9 and 12. A total of 155 acts have reached the finals of their series.
During the first three series, the finalists were split into three groups: “16-24s”, “25-and-overs” (renamed “over 25s” in series 2, though still often referred to as “25-and-overs” in series 2 and 3) and “groups”. Each set of contestants was mentored by one of the show’s judges, Simon Cowell, Sharon Osbourne and Louis Walsh. From series 4 onwards, the 16-24s were subdivided into girls and boys categories as a fourth judge, Dannii Minogue, joined the show. Following Osbourne’s exit from the show after series 4, Cheryl Cole replaced her. In series 7, the over 25s were changed to over 28s, before being changed back for series 8. Also in series 8, Cowell, Minogue and Cole all left the show, leaving Walsh as the only judge to return from the previous year. He was joined on the panel by Gary Barlow, Kelly Rowland and Tulisa Contostavlos. In series 9, Rowland left the show, Barlow, Walsh and Contostavlos returned as judges from the previous year. Nicole Scherzinger joined the panel as a replacement for Rowland. The over 25s were changed to over 28s again in series 9, and then back to over 25s in series 10. Osbourne also returned to the panel in series 10, replacing Contostavlos. Cowell and Cole returned for series 11, replacing Barlow and Osbourne. Mel B joined the panel in series 11, replacing Scherzinger. Rita Ora and Nick Grimshaw joined the panel in series 12, replacing Mel B and Walsh.
As of series 10, all five categories have won the show on at least one occasion, while seven of the show’s nine judges have had the winning act in their category at least once, with Cowell winning three times, Cole and Minogue winning twice, and Walsh, Contostavlos, Scherzinger, Osbourne and Ora winning once. The only judges not to win were Barlow, Grimshaw, Rowland and Mel B, with Rowland, Mel B and Grimshaw’s best performance being third place in 2011

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, 2014 and 2015 respectively (their only series) and Barlow placing second in 2011 (the first of his three years on the panel). Osbourne failed to win the show in her initial stint, but won on her return in series 10.

The Mothers of Invention

The Mothers of Invention were an American rock band from California that served as the backing musicians for Frank Zappa. Their work is marked by the use of sonic experimentation, innovative album art, and elaborate live shows.
Originally an R&B band called The Soul Giants, the band’s original lineup included Ray Collins, David Coronado, Ray Hunt, Roy Estrada and Jimmy Carl Black. Zappa was asked to take over as the guitarist following a fight between Collins and Coronado, the band’s original saxophonist/leader. Zappa insisted that they perform his original material, changing their name on Mothers Day to The Mothers (which for legal liability reasons was morphed by record executive decision into The Mothers of Invention), and leading them to substantial popular commercial success. Originally formed in 1964, the band first became popular playing in California’s underground music scene in the late 1960s. Under Zappa’s helm, it was signed to jazz label Verve Records as part of the label’s diversification plans. Verve released the Mothers of Invention’s début album Freak Out! in 1966, featuring a lineup including Zappa, Collins, Black, Estrada and Elliot Ingber.
Under Zappa’s leadership and a changing lineup, the band released a series of critically acclaimed albums, including Absolutely Free, We’re Only in It for the Money and Uncle Meat, before being disbanded by Zappa in 1969. In 1970, he formed a new version of the Mothers that included Ian Underwood, Jeff Simmons, George Duke, Aynsley Dunbar and singers Mark Volman and Howard Kaylan (formerly of the Turtles, but who for contractual reasons were credited in this band as the Phlorescent Leech & Eddie). Later adding another ex-Turtle, bassist Jim Pons, this lineup endured through 1971, when Zappa was injured by an audience member during a concert appearance.
Zappa focused on big-band and orchestral music while recovering from his injuries

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, and in 1973 formed the Mothers’ final lineup, which included drummer Ralph Humphrey, trumpeter Sal Marquez, keyboardist/vocalist George Duke, trombonist Bruce Fowler, bassist Tom Fowler, percussionist Ruth Underwood and keyboardist/saxophonist Ian Underwood. The final album using the Mothers as a backing band, Bongo Fury (1975), featured guitarist Denny Walley and drummer Terry Bozzio, who continued to play for Zappa on non-Mothers releases.

The Soul Giants were formed in 1964. In 1964, Frank Zappa was approached by Ray Collins who asked him to take over as the guitarist following a fight between Collins and the group’s original guitarist. Zappa accepted, and convinced the other members that they should play his music to increase the chances of getting a record contract. Original leader David Coronado did not think that the band would be employable if they played original material, and left the band. Zappa soon assumed leadership and the role as co-lead singer, even though he never considered himself a singer.
The band was renamed the Mothers, coincidentally on Mother’s Day. The group increased their bookings after beginning an association with manager Herb Cohen, while they gradually gained attention on the burgeoning Los Angeles underground music scene. In early 1966, they were spotted by leading record producer Tom Wilson when playing Zappa’s “Trouble Every Day,” a song about the Watts Riots. Wilson had earned acclaim as the producer for singer-songwriter Bob Dylan and the folk-rock act Simon & Garfunkel, and was notable as one of the few African Americans working as a major label pop music producer at this time.
Wilson signed the Mothers to the Verve Records division of MGM Records, which had built up a strong reputation in the music industry for its releases of modern jazz recordings in the 1940s and 1950s, but was attempting to diversify into pop and rock audiences. Verve insisted that the band officially rename themselves because “Mother” in slang terminology was short for “motherfucker”—a term that apart from its profanity, in a jazz context connotes a very skilled musical instrumentalist. The label suggested the name “The Mothers Auxiliary”, which prompted Zappa to come up with the name “The Mothers of Invention.”
With Wilson credited as producer, the Mothers of Invention, augmented by a studio orchestra, recorded the groundbreaking Freak Out! (1966) which, preceded by Bob Dylan’s Blonde on Blonde, was the second rock double album ever released. It mixed R&B, doo-wop, musique concrète, and experimental sound collages that captured the “freak” subculture of Los Angeles at that time. Although he was dissatisfied with the final product—in a late ’60s radio interview (included in the posthumous MOFO Project/Object compilation) Zappa recounted that the side-long closing track “Return of the Son of Monster Magnet” was intended to be the basic track for a much more complex work which Verve did not allow him to complete—Freak Out immediately established Zappa as a radical new voice in rock music, providing an antidote to the “relentless consumer culture of America”. The sound was raw, but the arrangements were sophisticated. While recording in the studio, some of the additional session musicians were shocked that they were expected to read the notes on sheet music from charts with Zappa conducting them, since it was not standard when recording rock music. The lyrics praised non-conformity, disparaged authorities, and had dadaist elements. Yet, there was a place for seemingly conventional love songs. Most compositions are Zappa’s, which set a precedent for the rest of his recording career. He had full control over the arrangements and musical decisions and did most overdubs. Wilson provided the industry clout and connections to get the group the financial resources needed.
Wilson nominally produced the Mothers’ second album Absolutely Free (1967), which was recorded in November 1966, and later mixed in New York, although by this time Zappa was in de facto control of most facets of the production. It featured extended playing by the Mothers of Invention and focused on songs that defined Zappa’s compositional style of introducing abrupt, rhythmical changes into songs that were built from diverse elements. Examples are “Plastic People” and “Brown Shoes Don’t Make It”, which contained lyrics critical of the hypocrisy and conformity of American society, but also of the counterculture of the 1960s. As Zappa put it, “[W]e’re satirists, and we are out to satirize everything.”
The Mothers of Invention played in New York in late 1966 and were offered a contract at the Garrick Theater during Easter 1967. This proved successful and Herb Cohen extended the booking, which eventually lasted half a year. As a result, Zappa and his wife, along with the Mothers of Invention, moved to New York. Their shows became a combination of improvised acts showcasing individual talents of the band as well as tight performances of Zappa’s music. Everything was directed by Zappa’s famous hand signals. Guest performers and audience participation became a regular part of the Garrick Theater shows. One evening, Zappa managed to entice some U.S. Marines from the audience onto the stage, where they proceeded to dismember a big baby doll, having been told by Zappa to pretend that it was a “gook baby”.
Situated in New York, and only interrupted by the band’s first European tour, the Mothers of Invention recorded the album widely regarded as the peak of the group’s late 1960s work, We’re Only in It for the Money (released 1968). It was produced by Zappa, with Wilson credited as executive producer. From then on, Zappa produced all albums released by the Mothers of Invention and as a solo artist. We’re Only in It for the Money featured some of the most creative audio editing and production yet heard in pop music, and the songs ruthlessly satirized the hippie and flower power phenomena. The cover photo parodied that of the Beatles’ Sgt Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band. The cover art was provided by Cal Schenkel whom Zappa met in New York. This initiated a lifelong collaboration in which Schenkel designed covers for numerous Zappa and Mothers albums.
Reflecting Zappa’s eclectic approach to music, the next album, Cruising with Ruben & the Jets (1968), was very different. It represented a collection of doo-wop songs; listeners and critics were not sure whether the album was a satire or a tribute. Zappa has noted that the album was conceived in the way Stravinsky’s compositions were in his neo-classical period: “If he could take the forms and clichés of the classical era and pervert them, why not do the same … to doo-wop in the fifties?” A theme from Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring is heard during one song.
Zappa and the Mothers of Invention returned to Los Angeles in the summer of 1968. Despite being a success with fans in Europe, the Mothers of Invention were not faring well financially. Their first records were vocally oriented, but Zappa wrote more instrumental jazz and classical oriented music for the band’s concerts, which confused audiences. Zappa felt that audiences failed to appreciate his “electrical chamber music”.
In 1969 there were nine band members and Zappa was supporting the group himself from his publishing royalties whether they played or not. 1969 was also the year Zappa, fed up with MGM’s interference, left MGM Records for Warner Bros. Records’ Reprise Records subsidiary where Zappa/Mothers recordings would bear the Bizarre Records imprint. In late 1969, Zappa broke up the band. He often cited the financial strain as the main reason, but also commented on the band members’ lack of sufficient effort. Many band members were bitter about Zappa’s decision, and some took it as a sign of Zappa’s concern for perfection at the expense of human feeling. Others were irritated by ‘his autocratic ways’, exemplified by Zappa’s never staying at the same hotel as the band members. Several members would, however, play for Zappa in years to come. Remaining recordings with the band from this period were collected on Weasels Ripped My Flesh and Burnt Weeny Sandwich (both released in 1970).
Later in 1970, Zappa formed a new version of the Mothers (from then on, he mostly dropped the “of Invention”). It included British drummer Aynsley Dunbar, jazz keyboardist George Duke, Ian Underwood, Jeff Simmons (bass, rhythm guitar), and three members of The Turtles: bass player Jim Pons, and singers Mark Volman and Howard Kaylan, who, due to persistent legal and contractual problems, adopted the stage name “The Phlorescent Leech and Eddie”, or “Flo & Eddie”.
This version of the Mothers debuted on Zappa’s next solo album Chunga’s Revenge (1970), which was followed by the double-album soundtrack to the movie 200 Motels (1971), featuring the Mothers, the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra, Ringo Starr, Theodore Bikel, and Keith Moon. Co-directed by Zappa and Tony Palmer, it was filmed in a week at Pinewood Studios outside London. Tensions between Zappa and several cast and crew members arose before and during shooting. The film deals loosely with life on the road as a rock musician. It was the first feature film photographed on videotape and transferred to 35 mm film, a process which allowed for novel visual effects. It was released to mixed reviews. The score relied extensively on orchestral music, and Zappa’s dissatisfaction with the classical music world intensified when a concert, scheduled at the Royal Albert Hall after filming, was canceled because a representative of the venue found some of the lyrics obscene. In 1975, he lost a lawsuit against the Royal Albert Hall for breach of contract.
After 200 Motels, the band went on tour, which resulted in two live albums, Fillmore East – June 1971 and Just Another Band From L.A.; the latter included the 20-minute track “Billy the Mountain”, Zappa’s satire on rock opera set in Southern California. This track was representative of the band’s theatrical performances in which songs were used to build up sketches based on 200 Motels scenes as well as new situations often portraying the band members’ sexual encounters on the road.
In December 1971, there were two serious setbacks. While performing at Casino de Montreux in Switzerland, the Mothers’ equipment was destroyed when a flare set off by an audience member started a fire that burned down the casino. Immortalized in Deep Purple’s song “Smoke on the Water”, the event and immediate aftermath can be heard on the bootleg album Swiss Cheese/Fire, released legally as part of Zappa’s Beat the Boots II compilation. After a week’s break, the Mothers played at the Rainbow Theatre, London, with rented gear. During the encore, an audience member pushed Zappa off the stage and into the concrete-floored orchestra pit. The band thought Zappa had been killed—he had suffered serious fractures, head trauma and injuries to his back, leg, and neck, as well as a crushed larynx, which ultimately caused his voice to drop a third after healing. This accident resulted in him using a wheelchair for an extended period, forcing him off the road for over half a year. Upon his return to the stage in September 1972, he was still wearing a leg brace, had a noticeable limp and could not stand for very long while on stage. Zappa noted that one leg healed “shorter than the other” (a reference later found in the lyrics of songs “Zomby Woof” and “Dancin’ Fool”), resulting in chronic back pain. Meanwhile, the Mothers were left in limbo and eventually formed the core of Flo and Eddie’s band as they set out on their own.
After releasing a solo jazz-oriented album Waka/Jawaka, and following it up with a Mothers album, The Grand Wazoo, with large bands, Zappa formed and toured with smaller groups that variously included Ian Underwood (reeds, keyboards), Ruth Underwood (vibes, marimba), Sal Marquez (trumpet, vocals), Napoleon Murphy Brock (sax, flute and vocals), Bruce Fowler (trombone), Tom Fowler (bass), Chester Thompson (drums), Ralph Humphrey (drums), George Duke (keyboards, vocals), and Jean-Luc Ponty (violin).
Zappa continued a high rate of production through the first half of the 1970s, including the solo album Apostrophe (‘) (1974), which reached a career-high No. 10 on the Billboard pop album charts helped by the chart single “Don’t Eat The Yellow Snow”. Other albums from the period are Over-Nite Sensation (1973), which contained several future concert favorites, such as “Dinah-Moe Humm” and “Montana”, and the albums Roxy & Elsewhere (1974) and One Size Fits All (1975) which feature ever-changing versions of a band still called the Mothers, and are notable for the tight renditions of highly difficult jazz fusion songs in such pieces as “Inca Roads”, “Echidna’s Arf (Of You)” and “Be-Bop Tango (Of the Old Jazzmen’s Church)”. A live recording from 1974, You Can’t Do That on Stage Anymore, Vol. 2 (1988), captures “the full spirit and excellence of the 1973–75 band”.
Zappa released Bongo Fury (1975), which featured live recordings from a tour the same year that reunited him with Captain Beefheart for a brief period. They later became estranged for a period of years, but were in contact at the end of Zappa’s life. Bongo Fury was the last new album to be credited to the Mothers.
In 1993, Zappa released Ahead Of Their Time, an album of previously recorded material by the original Mothers of Invention lineup.

José Antonio Colado

José Antonio Colado Castro (born October 30, 1976 in Seville) is a retired Spanish sport shooter. He has been selected to compete for Spain in pistol shooting at the 2004 Summer Olympics, and has attained top 8 finishes in a major international competition, spanning the Mediterranean Games and the ISSF World Cup series. Colado also trains under head coach Cezary Staniszewski for twelve years as a full-fledged member of the Spanish pistol shooting team.
Colado qualified for the Spanish team in pistol shooting at the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens. He managed to get a minimum qualifying score of 578 to gain an Olympic quota place for Spain in the air pistol, following his outside-final finish at the European Championships in Gothenburg, Sweden one year earlier. In the 10 m air pistol, held on the first day of the Games, Colado shot a total of 572 to force a two-way tie with host nation Greece’s Dionissios Georgakopoulos for a lowly thirty-third place, slashing six points off from his entry standard. Three days later

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, in the 50 m pistol, Colado put up another dismal display from his air pistol feat to end up in a thirty-fourth place tie with Cuba’s Norbelis Bárzaga at 542, trailing his fellow marksman Isidro Lorenzo by a wide, twenty-point gap.
In early 2015, Colado served full-time as the sports technical director of the pistol team for the Royal Spanish Olympic Shooting Federation (Spanish: Real Federación Española de Tiro Olímpico), just eleven years since his immediate Olympic debut.

Shorja

Shorjh or Al-Shorjh (Arabic,الشورجة) is a marketplace in Baghdad, Iraq. Located near Bab Al Sharqi market, Shorjh is Baghdad’s largest and oldest market.
The name Shorja comes from Persian شورچاه Shurchah and means “salty well”. This market place is a landmark established long ago by Iranian merchants.
Shorjh was the site of several major attacks. The 12 February 2007 Baghdad bombings killed 76 people and injured 155-180. Near the marketplace on March 26 2007 a suicide car bomber killed two people and injured five others. Snipers hidden in Shorjh’s bazaar killed several people around the same time and gunfights erupted between militants and the Iraqi security forces in the area.
On 1 April 2007, American presidential candidate John McCain, in an effort to illustrate that the security situation had improved, visited the Shorjh marketplace

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. The visit was criticized by the New York Times as giving a false indication of how secure the area was due to the extremely heavy security forces McCain brought with him. Indiana Representative Mike Pence was also criticized for visiting the market, under large security including helicopters overhead, and saying it was “like a normal outdoor market in Indiana in the summertime.”
Al-Shorjh Market

Elections to the European Parliament

Elections to the European Parliament take place every five years by universal adult suffrage. 751 MEPs are elected to the European Parliament, which has been directly elected since 1979. No other EU institution is directly elected, with the Council of the European Union and the European Council being only indirectly legitimated through national elections. While Europarties have the right to campaign EU-wide for the European elections, campaigns still take place through national election campaigns, advertising national delegates from national parties.

The allocation of seats to each member state is based on the principle of degressive proportionality, so that, while the size of the population of each country is taken into account, smaller states elect more MEPs than is proportional to their populations. As the numbers of MEPs to be elected by each country have arisen from treaty negotiations, there is no precise formula for the apportionment of seats among member states. No change in this configuration can occur without the unanimous consent of all governments.
Italicised countries are divided into sub-national constituencies. a Includes Gibraltar, but not any other BOT, SBA or Crown dependency b The speaker is not counted officially, thus leaving 750 MEPs. c As proposed by European Parliament on 13 March 2013
There is no uniform voting system for the election of MEPs; rather, each member state is free to choose its own system, subject to certain restrictions:
Most of the member states of the European Union elect their MEPs with a single constituency covering the entire state, using party-list proportional representation. There is however a great variety of electoral procedures: some countries use the highest averages method of proportional representation, some use the largest remainder method, some open lists and others closed. In addition, the method of calculating the quota and the election threshold vary from country to country. Countries with multiple constituencies are:
Germany, Italy and Poland use a different system, whereby parties are awarded seats based on their nationwide vote as in all of the states that elect members from a single constituency; these seats are given to the candidates on regional lists. With the number of seats for each party known, these are given to the candidates on the regional lists based on the number of votes from each region towards the party’s nationwide total, awarded proportionally to the regions. These subdivisions are not strictly constituencies, as they do not decide how many seats each party is awarded, but are districts that the members represent once elected. The number of members for each region is decided dynamically after the election, and depends on voter turnout in each region. A region with high turnout will result in more votes for the parties there, which will result in a greater number of MEPs elected for that region.
The European Union has a multi-party system involving a number of ideologically diverse Europarties. As no one Europarty has ever gained power alone, their affiliated parliamentary groups must work with each other to pass legislation. Since no pan-European government is formed as a result of the European elections, long-term coalitions have never occurred.
Europarties have the exclusive right to campaign for the European elections; their parliamentary groups are strictly forbidden to campaign and to spend funds on any campaign-related activity. For the 2014 EP election, Europarties decided to put forward a candidate for President of the European Commission; each candidate will lead the pan-European campaign of the Europarty. While no legal obligation exists to force the European Council to propose the candidate of the strongest party to the EP, it is assumed that the Council will have no other choice than to accept the voters decision.
The two major parties are the centre-right European People’s Party and the centre-left Party of European Socialists. They form the two largest groups, (called EPP and S&D respectively) along with other smaller parties. There are numerous other groups, including communists, greens, regionalists, conservatives, liberals and eurosceptics. Together they form the seven recognised groups in the parliament. MEPs that are not members of groups are known as non-inscrits.
A 1980 analysis by Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt concluded that European elections were fought on national issues and used by voters to punish their governments mid-term, making European Parliament elections de facto national elections of second rank. Turnout has been falling steadily since the first elections in 1979, indicating increased apathy about the Parliament despite its increase in power over that period

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. Turnout has constantly fallen in every EU election since 1979. In 2009, the overall turnout was at 43%, down from 45.5% in 2004. In Britain the turnout was just 34.3%, down from 38% in 2004. Despite falling below 50% since 1999, turnout is not yet as low as that of the US Midterm elections, which usually falls below 40%. However, the comparison with the US voter turnout is hampered due to the fact that the US President is elected in separate and direct elections (presidential system), whereas the President of the European Commission is only approved by the European Parliament (parliamentary system), giving the European Parliament elections considerable weight. Some, such as former President of the European Parliament, Pat Cox, have also noted that turnout in the 1999 election was higher than the previous US presidential election. German MEP Jo Leinen has suggested that EU parties name their top candidate for the position of President of the European Commission in order to increase turnout.
Historical percentage results in union-wide elections of the three major groups by region.
Legend:        Socialist (PES/S&D) –      Liberal (ELDR/ALDE) –      People’s (EPP/EPP-ED)

As of 2011 reforms by Liberal Democrat MEP Andrew Duff are being considered by Parliament, which are seen as the most significant overhaul of the electoral system since elections began. 25 extra MEPs would be added on a transnational European list with its candidates being selected by the European party groups rather than national member parties. The candidate lists would have to represent a third of member states and are seen as a way to personalise and dramatise the elections to re-engage an apathetic electorate. Duff sees the next Commission President possibly coming from the transnational list. Duff’s proposals also include a single electoral roll, regular reapportioning of seats, one set of immunity rules and the holding of elections in May rather than June. However, due to a waning of support and possible opposition from member states, Duff has taken the proposal back to committee to get broader support before putting them before the plenary in autumn 2011.
The third Delors Commission had a short mandate, to bring the terms of the Commission in line with that of the Parliament. Under the European Constitution the European Council would have to take into account the results of the latest European elections and, furthermore, the Parliament would ceremonially “elect”, rather than simply approve, the Council’s proposed candidate. This was taken as the parliament’s cue to have its parties run with candidates for the President of the European Commission with the candidate of the winning party being proposed by the Council.
This was partly put into practice in 2004 when the European Council selected a candidate from the political party that won that year’s election. However at that time only one party had run with a specific candidate: the European Green Party, who had the first true pan-European political party with a common campaign, put forward Daniel Cohn-Bendit. However the fractious nature of the other political parties led to no other candidates, the People’s Party only mentioned four or five people they’d like to be President. The Constitution failed ratification but these amendments have been carried over to the Treaty of Lisbon, which came into force in 2009.
There are plans to strengthen the European political parties in order for them to propose candidates for the 2009 election. The European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party have already indicated, in their October 2007 congress, their intention for forward a candidate for the post as part of a common campaign. They failed to do so however the European People’s Party did select Barroso as their candidate and, as the largest party, Barroso’s turn was renewed. The Socialists, disappointed at the 2009 election, agreed to put forward a candidate for Commission President at all subsequent elections. There is a campaign within that party to have open primaries for said candidate.
In February 2008, President Barroso admitted there was a problem in legitimacy and that, despite having the same legitimacy as Prime Ministers in theory, in practice it was not the case. The low turnout creates a problem for the President’s legitimacy, with the lack of a “European political sphere”, but analysis claim that if citizens were voting for a list of candidates for the post of president, turn out would be much higher than that seen in recent years.
With the Lisbon Treaty now in-force, Europarties are obliged from now-on to put forward a candidate for President of the European Commission; each Presidential candidate will, in fact, lead the pan-European campaign of the Europarty.
The President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek proposed in 2010 that Commissioners be directly elected, by member states placing their candidate at the top of their voting lists in European elections. That would give them individually, and the body as a whole, a democratic mandate.
Each Member State has different rules determining who can vote for and run as the European Parliamentary candidates.
Every EU citizen residing in an EU country of which he/she is not a national has the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in European Parliamentary elections in his/her country of residence, under the same conditions as nationals of that country – this right is enshrined in Article 39 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In addition, the right to vote is included in Articles 20(1) and 22(1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. To this extent all EU countries keep electoral registers containing the names of all eligible voters in the specific region, to which eligible newcomers to the area can apply at any time to have their names added. EU citizens are then eligible to vote for the duration of their stay in that country.
It is therefore possible for a person to have the choice of voting in more than one EU member state. For example, a Portuguese citizen who studies at university in France and lives at home outside term-time in the family home in the United Kingdom has the option of voting in the European Parliamentary election in France, Portugal or the United Kingdom. In this scenario, although the Portuguese citizen qualifies to vote in three EU member states, he/she is only permitted to cast one vote in one of the member states.
The magazine of the Young European Federalists publishes prognoses based on national polls for the upcoming European parliament if there was an election held today:
Some websites give prognoses in seats. The values of the ENF member parties before the constitution of the group in June 2015 are indicated in brackets.
This article is part of a series on the politics and government of the European Union
President Juncker (EPP)
Secretary-General Day
President Schulz (S&D)
Luxembourgish Presidency
President Tusk (EPP)
President Draghi

HMAS Broome (J191)

HMAS Broome (J191), named for the town of Broome, Western Australia, was one of 60 Bathurst-class corvettes constructed during World War II and one of 20 built for the Admiralty but manned by personnel of and commissioned into the Royal Australian Navy (RAN).

In 1938, the Australian Commonwealth Naval Board (ACNB) identified the need for a general purpose ‘local defence vessel’ capable of both anti-submarine and mine-warfare duties, while easy to construct and operate. The vessel was initially envisaged as having a displacement of approximately 500 tons, a speed of at least 10 knots (19 km/h; 12 mph), and a range of 2,000 nautical miles (3,700 km; 2,300 mi) The opportunity to build a prototype in the place of a cancelled Bar-class boom defence vessel saw the proposed design increased to a 680-ton vessel, with a 15.5 knots (28.7 km/h; 17.8 mph) top speed, and a range of 2,850 nautical miles (5

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,280 km; 3,280 mi), armed with a 4-inch gun, equipped with asdic, and able to fitted with either depth charges or minesweeping equipment depending on the planned operations: although closer in size to a sloop than a local defence vessel, the resulting increased capabilities were accepted due to advantages over British-designed mine warfare and anti-submarine vessels. Construction of the prototype HMAS Kangaroo did not go ahead, but the plans were retained. The need for locally built ‘all-rounder’ vessels at the start of World War II saw the “Australian Minesweepers” (designated as such to hide their anti-submarine capability, but popularly referred to as “corvettes”) approved in September 1939, with 60 constructed during the course of the war: 36 ordered by the RAN, 20 (including Broome) ordered by the British Admiralty but manned and commissioned as RAN vessels, and 4 for the Royal Indian Navy.
Broome was laid down by Evans Deakin and Company at Brisbane on 3 May 1941, launched on 6 October 1941 by Mrs. M. J. McKew, wife of the shipyard’s works manager, and commissioned on 29 July 1942.
The corvette operated during World War II, and was awarded the battle honours “Pacific 1942-45” and “New Guinea 1942-44” for her service.
HMAS Broome paid off on 24 August 1946, was sold to the Turkish Navy and renamed Alanya. The vessel left Turkish service in 1975. The ship’s bell was recovered before the sale, and returned to Broome. It was presented to the Broome Road Board in June 1952, who then passed the bell on to Broome State School in November. The bell later ended up at the town’s Returned and Services League club.

Battle of Champaubert

Campaign in south-west France
Campaign in Italy
The Battle of Champaubert (10 February 1814) was the opening engagement of the Six Days’ Campaign. It was fought between 15,000 French soldiers led by Napoleon and a 3,700-man Russian corps under Lieutenant General Count Nikolay Dmitrevich Olsufiev (1775–1817). The Russian corps was effectively destroyed with only 1,300-1,700 men escaping into the woods. Olsufiev became a prisoner. Champaubert is located 85 kilometres (53 mi) east of Paris.
The battle of Champaubert was one of the few times during the War of the Sixth Coalition that France was able to take to the field with a considerable numerical advantage.

Napoleon moved against an over-extended Prussian army in the hope of whittling it down by a series of battles. On 10 February, he caught General Olssufiev’s IX Corps of five thousand Russians near the village of Baye just south of Champaubert, a town located in the valley of the Marne, east of Paris.
Napoleon’s French army consisted of 30,000 hungry and tired men, including many raw conscripts, and 120 cannons, however the French, nonetheless, enjoyed a six-to-one advantage.
They were commanded in the field by the marshal, Auguste Marmont, under the direction of the Emperor himself.[citation needed]
Olssufiev pickets were overrun by 10:00 and although badly outnumbered, Olssufiev decided to fight rather than retreat. His decision was based on the mistaken hope that he would get reinforcements from Field Marshal Blücher in time to prevent a disaster. He was wrong, and Marmont crushed him.
No help was coming and after five hours of fighting

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, the Russians had been forced to fall-back through Champaubert, and before they could reach Étoges, some of the corps was enveloped by Marshal Ney’s cavalry corps.
The French lost 600 killed and wounded out of the 13,300 infantry and 1,700 cavalry that were engaged in the action. The Russians lost 2,400 men and nine guns out of the 3,700 soldiers and 24 guns that were present. Captured were General-Leutnant Olssufiev and General-major Prince Poltaratzky, who led a brigade. A brigade under Major General Kornieloff fought its way out.
This victory split Blücher’s army in two. The next day Napoleon attacked the vanguard and defeated Osten-Sacken and Yorck at Montmirail, before turning and defeating the main body of Blücher’s army Battle of Vauchamps on 14 February.